THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 


À 


'Àiiy 


0'-i 


.;* 


^^> 


THF.   I^RIKCH    IMl'ERIAL 


THE    COURT 
OF    THE    SECOND    EMPIRE 


BY 

IMBERT    DE    SAINT-AMAND 


TRANSLATED   BY 

ELIZABETH   GILBERT   MARTIN 


WITH  PORTRAITS 


NEW  YORK 

CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS 

1S98 


COPYRIGHT,   1898,   BY 
CHARLES   SCRIBNER'S   SONS 


Norfaîonl)  îprcsB 

J.  S,  Cushiiig  &  Co.  -  Berwick  &  Smith 
Norwood  Mass.  U.S.A. 


be 

216 
132  cE 


CONTENTS 


OHAPTEB  PA«E 

I.  Napoleon  III 1 

n.  The  Empress  Eugénie 13 

III.  Count  Walewski 25 

rv.  The  Treaty  OF  Paris 33 

V.  The  Spring  of  1856 45 

VI.  The  Inundations 54 

VII.  The  Baptism  of  the  Prince  Imperial 60 

VIII.  The  Baptismal  Festivities 66 

IX.  Count  de  Morny 72 

X.  The  Embassy  to  St.  Petersburg 82 

XL  The  Coronation  of  the  Czar . .  „ .  92 

XII.  The  Fêtes  op  Moscow 101 

XIII.  France  and  Russia 107 

XIV.  The  Prince  of  Prussia , ,  114 

XV.  The  Commencement  of  1857 121 

XVI.  A  Ball  at  the  Foreign  Affairs 129 

V 


vi  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XVII.  The     Grand     Duke     Constantine    and     the 

King  of  Bavaria 137 

XVIII.     Prince  Napoleon  in  Germany 149 

XIX.     The  Internal  Situation 159 

XX.     The  Question  of  the  Principalities  166 

XXI.     The  Osborne  Interview 176 

XXII.     The  Opening  of  the  New  Louvre 186 

XXIII.  Biarritz 192 

XXIV.  The  Camp  of  Chalons 200 

XXV.     Strasburg  and  Baden 207 

XXVI.     The  Stuttgart  Interview  214 

XXVII.     The  Kesults  of  the  Interview 222 

XXVIII.     The  Beginning  of  1858 231 

XXIX.     The  Attempt  of  January  14 240 

XXX.     After  the  Outrage 248 

XXXI.     General  Della  Rocca 257 

XXXIT.     The  Orsini  Trial 269 

XXXIII.  General  Espinasse 279 

XXXIV.  Count  de  Persigny 289 

XXXV.     Marshal  Pélissier  as  Ambassador 301 

XXXVI.     Count  Cavour 310 

XXXVII.     Plombières  318 


CONTENTS  Vil 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XXXVIII.     The  Cherbourg  Interview 326 

XXXIX.     The  Tour  in  Bkittant 331 


PORTRAITS 

The  Prince  Imperial , . , Frontispiece 

Count  de  Mornt  ..... , , Face  page    74 

Alexander  II,  Emperor  of  Russia "       "      216 

Victor  Emmanuel,  King  of  Sardinia.... ,     "       "      266 


THE  COUET  OP  THE  SECOND  E5IPIEE 

1856-1858 


CHAPTER  I 

NAPOLEON    III 

A  SINGLE  portrait  of  those  who  have  played 
a  great  part  in  history  is  not  enough  :  to 
represent  them  fairly  it  is  essential  to  sketch  the 
different  phases  of  their  career.  In  age  and  ill 
liealth  they  were  no  longer  the  same,  morally  or 
physically,  as  when  young  and  strong.  There  is 
as  much  difference  between  the  periods  of  a  human 
life  as  there  is  between  the  seasons  of  a  single  year. 
Aided  by  the  impressions  and  recollections  of  our 
contemporaries,  we  are  about  to  attempt  the  repro- 
duction of  the  historic  figure  of  Napoleon  III.  as 
we  saw  him  from  1856  to  1859,  and  we  hope  that 
those  who  lived  in  Paris  at  that  period  will  find 
the  likeness  faithful. 

On  the  morrow  of  the  birth  of  the  Prince  Imperial 
the  Second  Emperor  was  a  happy  man  and  one  who 
enjoyed  his  happiness.  Neither  on  his  countenance 
nor  in  his  heart  at   that  time  was  there  a  trace  of 

B  1 


2  THE  COU  ET  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

melancholy.  Appearing  at  Rome  in  the  character 
of  another  Charlemagne,  and  throughout  Europe  as 
an  arbiter  and  peacemaker,  if  he  recalled  the  painful 
experiences  of  childhood  and  youth,  it  was  only  by 
way  of  contrast  with  his  actual  prosperity,  and  as 
yet  he  foreboded  none  of  the  calamities  awaiting 
him  in  the  future. 

Princes  born  on  the  steps  of  the  throne  and  who 
have  never  known  adversity  have  not  the  same 
enjoyment  of  power  as  a  man  like  Napoleon  III.,  for 
whom  the  fortress  of  Ham  was  the  vestibule  of  the 
Tuileries.  If  in  earlier  days  he  had  been  flouted, 
jeered  at,  contemned,  in  1856  at  least  he  was  lauded 
to  the  skies.  Foreigners  courted  him  even  more 
assiduously  than  the  French.  Take,  for  example,  a 
telegram  sent  from  Sebastopol,  March  23,  1856,  to 
the  Minister  of  War  by  Marshal  Pelissier:  — 

"  Your  despatch  of  the  16th  announcing  the  happy 
delivery  of  H.  M.  the  Empress  and  the  birth  of  the 
Prince  Imperial  did  not  arrive  until  Sunday  morning, 
the  23d.  At  noon  the  news  was  greeted  by  one 
hundi'ed  and  one  salvos  of  artillery  fired  simultane- 
ously by  the  French,  English,  and  Sardinian  armies 
and  by  the  fleets.  At  the  same  moment  a  Te  Deum 
was  chanted  in  every  army  corps  in  presence  of  all 
the  troops.  During  the  day  the  commanders-in-chief 
of  the  English  and  Sardinian  armies  came  to  offer  their 
congratulations,  which  I  beg  you  to  lay  with  mine  and 
those  of  the  generals  under  my  command  at  the  feet 
of  Their  Imperial  Majesties.    Our  soldiers  have  ended 


NAPOLEON  III 


the  day  by  continued  cheering  around  a  multitude 
of  fires  which  give  our  camps  the  appearance  of  a 
splendid  illumination.  The  Scotch  and  Sardinians 
encamped  on  the  heights  of  Kamarak  were  able  to 
build  such  enormous  fires  that  the  light  from  them 
could  be  seen  at  immense  distances.  And  lastly,  the 
Russians,  taking  part  in  our  special  manifestations, 
suddenly  illuminated  the  whole  line  from  lukermann 
to  Corolès,  thus  completing  this  unique  spectacle." 

As  soon  as  Napoleon  III.  was  made  acquainted 
with  Marsl^al  Pélissier's  despatch,  he  sent  an  aide-de- 
camp to  Lord  Clarendon,  Count  Cavour,  and  also  to 
Count  Orloff,  thanking  them  for  the  demonstrations 
by  which  the  birth  of  his  son  had  been  celebrated  in 
the  Crimea.  The  attentions  he  received  from  the 
powers,  and  the  extraordinary  respects  paid  to  the 
cradle  of  his  heir  delighted  him  both  as  a  father  and 
a  sovereign.  He  was  particularly  pleased  at  seeing 
the  court  of  Russia  display  exceptional  courtesy  even 
before  peace  was  concluded. 

People  forgave  Napoleon  III.  his  success  because 
he  used  it  in  moderation  and  without  conceit  or 
violence.  His  past  misfortunes  had  left  behind  them 
no  trace  of  bitterness  or  rancor.  Nearly  all  his 
ministers  had  formerlj^  been  Orleanists,  and  if  the 
most  advanced  republicans  had  presented  themselves 
at  the  Tuileries,  they  would  have  received  a  cordial 
welcome.  Napoleon  III.  had  forgotten  the  injuries 
inflicted  on  Louis  Bonaparte.  He  left  the  salons 
which  opposed  him  entirely  undisturbed,  and  no  such 


4  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

persecutions  as  those  of  which  Madame  de  Staël  was 
the  victim  under  the  First  Empire  occurred  during 
his  reign. 

Invariably  self-possessed,  the  former  outlaw  and 
captive  was  as  tranquil  in  gladness  as  in  sorrow.  If 
his  letters  are  ever  published,  as  has  happened  in  our 
day  to  those  of  Napoleon  I.,  we  do  not  believe  they 
will  be  found  to  contain  a  single  phrase,  a  single  word 
of  hatred  or  anger.  M.  Pinard,  one  of  his  ministers, 
has  said  :  "  He  became  familiar  with  those  who  had 
been  his  earliest  friends  without  permitting  them  to 
cross  the  distance  separating  them.  He  was  always 
the  Emperor  ;  but  his  voice  at  that  time  had  inflec- 
tions of  great  sweetness,  and,  I  may  add,  of  great 
power  as  well.  The  sovereign  whom  the  political 
world  sometimes  called  William  the  Silent  had  in 
private  conversation  a  seductive  charm  which  the 
firstcomer  might  not  suspect,  but  of  which  women 
had  an  intuition." 

The  imperturbable  apathy  of  the  Second  Emperor 
was  only  a  mask.  At  bottom,  no' disposition  could 
be  more  impressionable,  ardent,  or  passionate  than 
his.  Naturally  violent,  it  had  cost  him  much  to 
acquire  that  self-mastery  which  was  afterwards  the 
principal  trait  of  his  character.  jMadame  Cornu, 
the  companion  of  his  earliest  years,  has  said  :  "  As  a 
child  he  was  subject  to  such  fits  of  anger  as  I  have 
never  seen  in  any  one  else;  while  they  lasted  he 
knew  neither  what  he  said  or  what  he  did.'"  Ex- 
perience and  misfortune  taught  him  to  control  him- 


NAPOLEON  ni 


self,  and  he  succeeded  in  making  his  thoughts  as 
imjîenetrable  as  his  face.  "  When  I  met  him  again, 
in  1848,"  sajs  Madame  Cornu,  "  I  asked  what  was 
the  matter  with  his  eyes.  '  Nothing,'  said  he.  I  saw 
him  again  a  day  or  two  later.  His  eyes  seemed  still 
more  singular.  Finally  I  noticed  that  he  had  con- 
tracted a  habit  of  keejping  the  lids  half-closed  and 
assuming  a  vacant  and  dreamy  expression." 

Napoleon  III.  has  often  been  called  a  dreamer  by 
those  who  judged  him  by  his  manners  and  facial 
expression.  It  would  be  much  truer  to  say  that  he 
was  a  man  of  action,  for  there  are  few  political  per- 
sonages who  have  had  a  hand  in  so  many  things 
or  broached  so  many  formidable  problems.  Not 
all  of  his  attempts  succeeded,  but  every  one  of 
them,  in  Asia  and  America  as  in  Europe,  was 
marked  by  an  adventurous  spirit  and  an  audacity 
truly  extraordinary. 

The  sovereign  whom,  in  the  final  period  of  his 
career,  we  shall  see  timid  and  undecided,  wavering 
between  the  most  contradictory  resolutions,  and  let- 
ting himself  be  dragged  by  a  sort  of  fatality  into  a 
war  to  which  he  was  averse,  displayed  in  1856  a 
coherency,  a  vigor,  and  energy  which  nothing  could 
withstand.  His  power  was  essentially  personal  ;  his 
policy  originated  entirely  with  himself.  He  reigned 
and  governed.  Having  succeeded  in  spite  of  the 
predictions  of  all  others,  he  had  no  confidence  in 
any  opinions  but  his  own,  and  no  one  ventured  to 
advise  him. 


6  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

The  powerful  monarch  applied  when  on  the  throne 
the  programme  which  the  prisoner  had  elaborated.  His 
ministers  were  mere  docile  instruments  in  his  hands. 
There  was  but  one  will  at  that  time,  and  it  was  his. 
"  If  a  minister,"  says  M.  Pinard,  "  developed  an  idea 
coincident  with  his,  his  eyes,  ordinarily  half-closed, 
lighted  up  in  a  singular  manner,  although  the  face 
still  remained  grave  and  almost  impassible.  If  the 
speaker  had  not  succeeded  in  convincing  him,  the 
Emperor  maintained  a  significant  silence  which  often 
disconcerted  the  most  resolute  ;  he  seemed  to  forget 
those  who  were  near  him,  and  even  him  who  had 
just  been  speaking.  When  he  expressed  his  own 
opinion,  the  deliberate  slowness  of  his  speech  was 
not  unlike  that  of  his  gait  :  it  seemed  to  indicate  a 
man  who  was  listening  to  an  interior  voice.  At  such 
times  he  appeared  to  be  talking  with  himself." 

Everything  great  and  useful  that  was  done  during 
his  reign  bears  the  sign  manual  of  the  sovereign. 
Baron  Haussmann,  that  prefect  to  whom  grateful 
Paris  ought  to  raise  a  statue,  has  admitted  that  he 
could  have  done  nothing  without  Napoleon  III. 
"  Alone,"  he  says,  "  I  should  never  have  been  able  to 
continue,  much  less  to  carry  to  a  successful  termina- 
tion, the  mission  confided  to  me  by  the  Emperor, 
and  for  the  accomplishment  of  which  his  increasing 
confidence  left  me  by  degrees  a  greater  freedom  of 
decision.  I  could  never  have  struggled  successfully 
against  the  inherent  difficulties  of  each  operation; 
against  opposing  wislies,  whether  due  to  sincere  con- 


NAPOLEON  m 


victions  or  to  unavowed  but  implacable  jealousies 
in  the  great  governmental  bodies,  and  even  in  His 
Majesty's  immediate  circle  ;  nor  against  the  open 
attacks  of  parties  inimical  to  the  imperial  régime, 
which,  not  daring  to  censure  the  policy  impressed 
on  the  country  by  the  sovereign,  endeavored  to 
oppose  him  indirectly  in  the  municipal  enterprises 
due  to  his  initiative  and  executed  under  his  inspira- 
tion; if  I  had  not  been  really  the  expression,  the 
organ,  the  instrument  of  a  great  idea,  the  conception 
and  merit  of  which  I  must  in  the  first  place  attribute 
to  him,  and  whose  realization  he  invariably  guarded 
with  a  firmness  never  belied."  In  reality,  the  trans- 
formation which  has  made  Paris  the  capital  of  capi- 
tals is  the  personal  work  of  Napoleon  III. 

The  Second  Emperor  was  a  cosmopolitan  sovereign. 
During  his  long  exiles  his  character  had  assimilated 
somewhat  from  each  country  in  which  he  had  lived. 
From  the  Italian  carbonari  he  had  borrowed  the 
inclination  to  conspiracy  ;  from  German  philosophers 
the  tendency  to  dream  ;  from  English  statesmen  the 
habit  of  combining  business  and  pleasure.  Humani- 
tarian rather  than  patriotic,  a  citizen  of  the  world 
still  more  than  Emperor  of  the  French,  he  may  be 
accused  of  having  entertained  projects  too  vast,  and  of 
sacrificing  the  special  interests  of  France  to  what  he 
considered  the  general  interests  of  civilization.  His 
policy  may  have  aimed  too  high,  but  its  noble  and 
chivalric  aspects  cannot  be  despised.  To  better  the 
moral  and  material  conditions  of   the  majority,  not 


8  THE  COUBT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

merely  in  France  but  throughout  Europe,  to  proclaim 
the  principle  of  nationalities,  to  maintain  the  right 
of  peoples  to  dispose  of  their  own  destiny,  to  unite 
them  by  commercial  treaties,  the  multiplicity  of 
exchanges,  the  rapidity  of  communications,  —  such 
was  the  object  of  his  efforts.  Never  would  he  have 
vaunted  the  programme  of  blood  and  iron,  nor 
have  declared  that  force  takes  precedence  of  right. 
The  policy  of  M.  von  Bismarck,  his  successful  rival, 
was  a  survival  from  the  Middle  Ages.  His  own  was 
modern,  and  it  may  be  affirmed  that  if  he  had 
triumphed  in  1870  as  he  did  in  1855  and  1859, 
general  civilization,  instead  of  being  retarded,  would 
have  advanced  with  giant  strides. 

It  might  have  been  believed  in  1856  that  Napoleon 
III.,  pleased  with  his  unexpected  successes  and  at 
the  summit  of  his  fortunes,  would  be  contented 
tranquilly  to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  a  peace  which 
public  opinion  desired  and  which  had  been  pur- 
chased by  so  many  heroic  sacrifices.  But,  on  the 
contrary,  his  ambition  as  the  apostle  of  nationalities 
sought  new  aliment,  and  he  began  conspiring  to 
deliver  the  country  of  Machiavelli  from  Austrian 
domination  as  seriously  as  he  had  conspired  to  gain 
the  throne  of  France.  After  the  hecatombs  of  one 
of  the  most  sanguinary  struggles  of  modern  history, 
all  Frenchmen,  with  the  single  exception  of  the 
Emperor,  longed  for  the  maintenance  of  peace. 
Even  at  the  moment  when  the  signing  of  the  treaty 
of  Paris  was  causing  universal  joy  and  satisfaction, 


NAPOLEON  III 


and  v/lien  people  supposed  that  the  sovereign  was 
definitively  returning  to  the  programme  of  the 
famous  speech  of  Bordeaux  and  could  once  more 
say  with  sincerity,  "  The  Empire  is  peace,"  he 
alone  had  an  approaching  war  in  prospect.  His 
passion  for  military  affairs,  his  youthful  memories, 
his  temperament  as  a  political  gamester,  his  adven- 
turous spirit,  his  pretensions  as  the  champion  of  the 
cause  of  nationalities,  all  combined  to  drag  him  into 
a  path  the  end  of  which  was  an  abyss. 

Napoleon  III.  believed  himself  a  military  man  of 
the  first  order,  and  nothing  interested  him  so  much 
as  the  army.  His  greatest  amusement  as  a  child  was 
to  play  soldier.  In  Switzerland,  as  a  young  man, 
he  had  been  the  pupil  of  a  great  tactician,  General 
Dufour.  He  was  especially  occupied  with  the 
artillery  branch  of  the  service,  and  had  published 
works  on  this  subject  of  which  he  was  very  proud. 
Full  of  confidence  in  his  talents  as  a  strategist,  he 
had  a  presentiment  of  winning  great  victories.  He 
had  keenly  regretted  his  inability  to  go  to  the 
Crimea,  and  when  his  troops  returned  triumphantly 
to  Paris  it  afflicted  him  to  think  that  it  was  not  he 
who  had  conducted  them  to  victory.  But  that,  he 
told  himself,  was  but  a  game  deferred  ;  the  day 
would  come  when  he  would  gain  battles,  and  when 
his  head  on  the  coins  would  be  crowned  with  laurels. 
Up  to  the  present  he  had  fought  during  a  few  days 
only,  — in  the  Romagna,  in  1832,  —  and  then  he  had 
suffered  a  lamentable  defeat.    He  wanted  his  revenge. 


10  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

It  has  been  said  that  Napoleon  III.  was  more  of 
an  Italian  than  a  Frenchman.  That  is  an  exaggera- 
tion, but  it  may  be  affirmed  that  he  considered  Italy 
as  bis  second  fatherland,  and  thought  that  he  had 
duties  toward  it.  He  said  it  was  the  land  of  his 
ancestors  ;  that  Napoleon  First  had  been  crowned 
in  the  cathedral  of  Milan  as  well  as  in  Notre  Dame 
de  Paris;  that  Italians,  companions  in  arms  of 
Frenchmen  throughout  the  whole  duration  of  the 
Empire,  had  shed  torrents  of  blood  for  France  under 
Murat,  King  of  Naples,  and  Prince  Eugene  de 
Beauharnais,  Viceroy  of  Italy.  The  insurgent  of 
1832  had  made  promises  to  Italian  liberals  which  the 
powerful  Emperor  desired  to  keep.  The  recollection 
of  that  fatal  expedition  of  the  Romagnas,  where  he 
made  his  first  campaign,  was  destined  to  exert  the 
greatest  influence  over  all  his  subsequent  career. 
There  his  brother  died,  and  he  longed  to  avenge  him. 

Such  were  the  thoughts  by  which  the  Emperor 
was  obsessed.  Persuaded  that  it  was  his  providential 
mission  to  do  away  with  the  treaties  of  1815  and 
assure  the  independence  of  Italy  from  the  Alps  to  the 
Adriatic,  he  likewise  believed  that  in  so  doing  he 
would  serve  the  interests  of  France,  which,  after  a 
successful  war  with  Austria  and  an  accession  of 
territory  to  Piedmont,  would  regain  its  own  natural 
frontier  on  the  southeast.  Madame  Cornu  has 
written  :  "  A  war  intended  to  drive  the  Austrians 
out  of  Italy,  in  which  he  should  have  command,  has 
been  his  dream  from  childhood.     He  once  said  to  me 


NAPOLEON  III  11 


at  Ham  :  '  I  feel  that  I  shall  command  a  great  army 
some  day;  I  know  that  I  shall  distinguish  myself; 
I  am  conscious  of  possessing  all  the  great  military 
qualities.'  "  A  triumphant  entry  at  Milan  at  the  head 
of  a  victorious  and  liberating  army,  amidst  a  tumult 
of  applause  and  under  a  rain  of  flowers,  was  a  vision 
which  delighted  his  ardent  and  poetic  fancy. 

But  the  realization  of  such  a  dream  was  by  no 
means  easy;  in  France  the  impediments  were  as 
many  and  as  serious  as  in  foreign  parts.  To  sur- 
mount them  Napoleon  III.  summoned  in  the  first  place 
cunning,  dissimulation,  mystery,  to  his  assistance. 
He  concealed  his  Italian  schemes  from  his  wife  and 
his  ministers  just  as  he  had  concealed  the  Strasbourg 
expedition  from  his  mother.  He  had  had  but  two 
confidants  at  Ham  :  his  physician,  Doctor  Conneau, 
and  Charles  Thélin,  his  valet.  The  confidants  of  his 
designs  on  Italy  were  hardly  more  numerous  between 
1856  and  1859.  Whom  will  he  send  to  Turin  in  May, 
1858,  to  arrange  his  interview  with  Cavour  at  Plom- 
bières ?  Doctor  Conneau,  who  was  far  more  conver- 
sant with  his  plans  than  his  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs. 

Napoleon  III.  had  relapsed  into  his  inveterate 
habit  of  conspiring.  The  apostle  of  nationalities  took 
good  care  not  to  prate  about  his  programme.  He 
never  mentioned  it  during  the  Crimean  War,  for  then 
he  absolutely  needed  Austria  ;  if  that  power  had 
taken  sides  with  Russia,  it  would  have  drawn  all 
Germany  in  its  train,  and  the  Crimean  War  would 


12  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

have  resulted  in  frightful  disasters  to  France  and 
England.  Hence  Napoleon  III.  was  mute.  It  was 
not  one  of  his  own  plenipotentiaries  who  brought  up 
the  Italian  question  at  the  Paris  Congress,  but  Count 
Cavour,  secretly  supported  by  him.  And  as  if  to  get 
his  hand  in  while  awaiting  the  day  when  he  could 
openly  concern  himself  with  Italy,  the  Emperor 
sought  to  constitute  a  nationality:  that  of  Roumania. 
The  idea  that  Piedmont  and  Prussia  might  play  a 
similar  part  in  Italy  and  Germany,  far  from  alarming 
him,  was  agreeable.  He  foresaw  an  agreement 
between  Turin  and  Berlin,  and  made  special  advances 
to  the  Crown  Prince  of  Prussia,  the  future  Emperor 
of  Germany,  the  man  who  was  to  be  his  deadliest  foe. 
Under  the  most  pacific  appearances,  amidst  incessant 
festivities  at  Fontainebleau  and  Compiègne,  at  Biar- 
ritz and  Plombières,  at  the  Tuileries  and  Saint-Cloud, 
the  crowned  conspirator  pursued  his  purpose  patiently 
and  mysteriously.  The  period  we  are  about  to 
retrace  may  be  summed  up  in  one  phrase  :  prepara- 
tion for  the  Italian  war.  The  apostle  of  nationalities 
never  suspected  that  he  would  be  its  martyr. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  EMPEESS   EUGÉNIE 

^pHE  Empress  had  just  fulfilled  lier  principal 
mission.  She  had  given  a  son  to  her  husband 
and  an  heir  to  the  Empire.  The  child  was  born  on 
Palm  Sunday,  a  day  of  triumph.  She  did  not  fore- 
bode that  he  would  end  his  brief  existence  by  a 
calvary.  What  delighted  the  happy  mother  above  all 
was  that  this  longed-for  child  was  not  merely  a  son 
of  France  but  a  son  of  the  Church,  and  that  as  a  god- 
son of  the  Pope,  the  benediction  of  the  Holy  Father 
had  rested  on  his  cradle. 

There  was  not  a  cloud  on  the  relations  between 
the  Empire  and  the  Holy  See  at  this  period.  French 
troops  were  on  guard  at  the  doors  of  the  Vatican. 
Pius  IX.  had  written  to  Napoleon  III.,  February  8, 
1856  :  "  I  feel  bound  to  tell  Your  Majesty  that  God 
has  inspired  me  with  a  pleasing  hope.  I  flatter  my- 
self that  He  is  about  to  shed  abroad  new  mercies 
which  will  descend  abundantly  upon  you,  Sire,  in 
proportion  as  you  fulfil  your  promise  to  support  and 
protect  the  Church  in  whose  bosom  you  were  born. 
As  for  me,  my  words  and  prayers  have  no  object  but 
the  glory  of  God,  the  salvation  of  souls,  the  propaga- 

13 


14  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

tioii  of  the  faith  and  the  honor  of  Catholic  princes. 
.  .  .  Receive,  Sire,  the  apostolic  benediction  which 
I  give  Your  Majesty  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart,  as 
well  as  to  Her  Majesty  the  Empress  and  the  august 
infant  she  carries  in  her  womb,  and  to  all  France." 

The  tidings  of  the  birth  of  the  Prince  Imperial 
reached  Rome  just  as  the  Pope  was  celebrating  the 
Mass  of  Palm  Sunday  in  the  basilica  of  Saint  Peter's. 
A  salvo  of  one  hundred  and  one  cannon,  fired  from 
Castle  Saint  Angelo,  announced  it  to  the  crowds 
assembled  for  the  ceremonies  of  Holy  Week.  In 
the  evening  the  palace  of  the  Frencli  embassy,  the 
academy  of  France,  the  national  churches,  and  the 
military  club  were  illuminated. 

Count  de  Rayneval,  French  ambassador  at  Rome, 
wrote  on  March  29  to  Count  Walewski,  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs  :  "  I  had  the  honor  to  present  in  per- 
son the  letter  by  which  the  Emperor  acquainted  the 
Holy  Father  with  the  birth  of  the  Prince  Imperial. 
The  Holy  Father  availed  himself  of  the  occasion  to 
express  in  most  affecting  terms  the  extreme  interest 
he  takes  in  this  auspicious  event,  the  wishes  he 
forms  for  the  welfare  of  the  young  Prince  and  for 
the  speedy  restoration  of  Her  Majesty's  health.  So 
evident  a  sign  of  the  favor  of  Heaven  cannot  fail  to 
have  the  best  results.  Security  of  the  future  will  be 
a  powerful  assistance  in  overcoming  the  difficulties 
of  the  present.  The  praj^ers  of  His  Holiness  will 
never  be  lacking  to  Their  Imperial  Majesties  nor  to 
France.     The  Holy  Father  was  very  keenly  affected 


THE  EMPEESS  EUGENIE  15 

by  the  mention  in  His  Majesty's  speech  of  tlie  pontifi- 
cal blessing  which  reached  the  young  Prince  almost 
at  his  birth.  Aside  from  his  personal  interest  in  this 
display  of  the  Emperor's  sentiments,  His  Holiness 
greatly  praised  this  striking  testimony  to  the  union  of 
the  two  powers  and  their  mutual  sympathy.  Under 
every  aspect  their  cause  cannot  but  be  the  gainer  by  it." 
Count  de  Rayneval  announced  at  the  same  time  a 
piece  of  news  which  delighted  the  Empress  Eugénie. 
"  His  Holiness,"  he  added,  "  has  decided  that  the 
golden  rose  which  he  blesses  annually  during  Lent 
shall  be  sent  this  year  to  Her  Majesty  the  Empress. 
This  pious  custom,  the  origin  of  which  it  would  not 
be  easy  to  discover,  is  not  often  carried  out.  The 
last  occasion  was  when  the  golden  rose  was  given  to 
Her  Majesty  the  Queen  of  I^Taples  at  the  time  the 
Holy  Father  returned  to  his  States,  in  grateful  recog- 
nition of  the  generous  hospitality  he  had  received  at 
Gaëta  and  Portici  during  his  entire  exile."  No  gift 
could  have  been  more  acceptable  to  the  Empress 
than  the  golden  rose.  Her  ardent  faith  and  her 
devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  Holy  See  made  her 
deserving  of  it.  Throughout  her  reign  she  acted 
like  a  faithful  daughter  of  the  Church,  and  the  diffi- 
culties which  sometimes  arose  between  the  Empire 
and  the  Papacy  were  the  greatest  annoyances  of  her 
life.  But  on  the  morrow  of  the  birth  of  the  Prince 
Imperial  there  was  as  yet  no  symptom  of  dissension 
between  Napoleon  IH.  and  Pius  IX.  Their  agree- 
ment seemed  absolute  and  definitive. 


16  TUE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

The  Empress  showed  herself  as  charitable  as  she 
was  devout.  The  numerous  foundations  placed 
under  her  patronage  received  her  constant  solicitude. 
She  took  great  interest  in  the  Eugenie-Napoleon 
asylum,  the  first  capital  for  which  was  the  six  hun- 
dred thousand  francs  intended  by  the  city  of  Paris 
for  the  purchase  of  a  necklace  for  the  sovereign  ; 
the  Sainte-Eugénie  hospital,  founded  in  1854,  and 
the  orphanage  of  the  Prince  Imperial,  created  in 
1856.  The  salvage  society  for  the  sliipwrecked,  like 
all  other  asylums,  was  placed  under  the  protection  of 
the  Empress.  Committees  were  organized  in  Paris 
and  its  suburbs  to  collect  subscriptions  for  a  testi- 
monial of  devotion  to  her  at  the  time  of  the  Prince's 
birth.  The  lists  were  speedily  filled  up  in  every 
quarter.  More  than  six  hundred  thousand  sig- 
natures were  collected  in  a  few  days,  and  the  sum 
raised  exceeded  eighty  thousand  francs.  The 
amount  received  from  each  subscriber  being  limited 
to  between  one  and  five  cents,  the  number  of  names 
proved  that  the  working  classes  had  been  especially 
anxious  to  show  their  sympathy  with  the  sovereign. 

The  presidents  of  the  committees  having  inquired 
to  what  purpose  Her  Majesty  desired  this  sum  to  be 
devoted,  M.  Billault,  Minister  of  Internal  Affairs, 
replied.  May  20:  "The  Empress  thanks  you  for 
herself  and  her  son.  She  will  gratefully  accept 
the  volumes  of  signatures,  eloquent  witnesses  of  the 
sentiments  of  the  inhabitants  of  Paris,  but  as  to  the 
sums  realized  from  the  subscription,  you  will  permit 


THE  EMPRESS  EUGENIE  17 

her  to  devote  them  to  some  benevolent  work  for  the 
children  of  the  people,  as  was  done  with  the  six 
hundred  thousand  francs  voted  by  the  municipality 
of  Paris  at  the  time  of  her  marriage.  Herself  the 
patroness  of  the  maternities  and  refuges,  she  wishes 
to  place  the  poor  orphans  under  the  patronage 
of  her  son.  She  desires  that  the  poor  workman 
carried  off  prematurely  from  his  family  may  at 
least  have  in  dying  the  consolation  of  knowing 
that  imperial  benevolence  will  watch  over  his  chil- 
dren. A  gratuitous  and  permanent  commission  will 
seek  out  in  Paris  both  orphans  and  families  of 
honest  workingmen,  by  whom,  in  consideration  of  an 
annual  payment,  these  poor  children  will  be  taken, 
brought  up,  given  a  new  family  and  apprenticed  to 
a  trade.  .  .  .  Thus  the  Empress  will  have  realized 
the  tender  and  pious  desire  of  assuring  to  these  poor 
little  creatures,  deprived  by  death  of  their  natural 
supporters,  not  the  shelter  of  an  asylum  but  the  aid, 
affection,  and  care  of  a  new  family." 

We  cite  also  this  extract  from  the  journal  of 
M.  Pinaud  :  "  The  rôle  of  a  charitable  lady  who 
never  tells  her  name  to  any  one  and  who  visits  the 
sick  and  poor  in  person,  was  very  attractive  to  the 
Empress.  At  certain  dates  she  made  discreet  excur- 
sions to  humble  dwellings  and  climbed  many  pairs  of 
stairs,  accompanied  only  by  a  lady  of  the  palace 
dressed  as  simply  as  herself.  One  day  she  was 
recognized  and  followed.  From  that  time  two 
agents  were  designated  to  assure  her  safety,  but  dis- 


18  TUE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

erectly  and  without  her  knowledge,  whenever  these 
charitable  pilgrimages  were  renewed." 

The  Empress  was  really  popular  at  the  time  of 
the  Prince  Imperial's  birth.  People  were  pleased 
with  her  kindness  and  her  beauty.  To  charm,  to 
console,  and  to  do  good  seemed  to  be  her  motto. 
People  liked  to  fancy  her  as  the  Emperor's  good 
angel  and  the  Providence  of  the  poor.  As  yet  no 
trait  of  the  female  politician  had  been  discovered  in 
her.  Her  husband  reserved  to  himself  all  the  duties 
and  responsibilities  of  power. 

The  Empress  was  really  happy  at  this  period.  The 
clergy  treated  her  as  a  second  Blanche  of  Castile. 
If  she  entered  a  cathedral,  it  was  beneath  a  canopy 
and  surrounded  b}^  a  cloud  of  incense.  She  enjoyed 
all  the  prestige  of  supreme  rank  without  being  sub- 
jected, to  the  minute  and  fastidious  details  of  anti- 
quated royal  etiquette.  Her  ladies  of  the  palace 
were  young,  agreeable,  and  distinguished  women. 
The  château  of  the  Tuileries  had  lost  its  sombre 
appearance  and  no  longer  suggested  the  terrible 
catastrophes  which  are  a  part  of  its  history.  The 
sovereign's  apartments  were  a  model  of  luxury  and 
elegance.  Instead  of  being  imprisoned  there  as 
Louis  Philippe  and  his  family  had  been,  she  could 
walk  in  the  private  garden  in  front  of  the  château 
without  being  exposed  to  the  curiosity  of  the  crowd. 
The  palaces  of  Saint-Cloud,  Fontainebleau,  and  Com- 
piègne  were  delightful  residences  in  which  she 
quietly   enjoyed    the    most    agreeable    pleasures    of 


THE  EMPIÎESS  EUGENIE  19 

country  life  and  accordiHg  to  her  taste  could  choose 
between  the  pomp  of  an  empress  and  the  privacy  of 
a  simple  châtelaine. 

We  would  not  guarantee  that  Napoleon  III.  was 
an  absolutely  faithful  husband  in  1856.  But  as  to 
that,  we  remind  our  readers  that  where  sovereigns  are 
in  question,  certain  weaknesses  do  not  belong  to  his- 
tory except  when  made  so  notorious  by  display  —  as 
during  the  reigns  of  Louis  XIV.  and  Louis  XV.  — 
that  they  become  ]3ublic  scandals.  What  may  be 
affirmed  is  that  Napoleon  III.  never  ceased  to  display 
towards  the  companion  whom  his  heart  had  chosen 
the  most  respectful  and  affectionate  attention,  and 
that  he  always  professed  profound  love  and  admira- 
tion for  her.  In  July,  1856,  having  left  her  at  Saint- 
Cloud  to  go  and  take  the  waters  at  Plombières,  he 
wrote  :  "  You  and  the  little  one  are  everything  to 
me.  ...  It  makes  me  happy  to  see  the  moment 
drawing  near  when  I  shall  see  you  and  our  child 
again,  and  I  am  so  contented  about  it  that  I  torment 
myself  with  thinking  that  it  is  really  too  good  to  be 
true,  and  that  between  now  and  then  one  or  other  of 
you  will  certainly  fall  ill,  or  that  they  wall  not  be 
careful  enough  when  he  goes  near  the  pond.  Be 
sure  not  to  tire  yourself  too  much.  All  these  recom- 
mendations are  stupid,  perhaps  ;  but  when  I  am  so 
happy  I  am  frightened." 

Barring  a  few  escapades  which  never  attained  pub- 
licity and  which  were  perhaps  more  excusable  in  a 
sovereign  exposed  to  every  sort  of  temptation  than 


20  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

they  would  be  in  a  private  citizen,  Napoleon  III.  was 
a  very  good  husband.  Madame  Cornu  said  of  him  : 
"  Under  various  aspects  his  temperament  is  feminine. 
His  love  for  his  son  is  rather  that  of  a  mother  than  a 
father."  Gentle  and  kindly,  affectionate  and  senti- 
mental, he  displayed  in  private  life  an  affability, 
good  nature,  and  equanimity  that  nothing  disturbed. 
It  pleased  him  to  see  the  Empress  play  her  part  as 
sovereign  so  well,  and  he  eagerly  sought  occasions 
to  amuse  her,  bring  her  into  prominence,  and  make 
her  admired.  The  things  of  the  mind  entertained 
her  more  than  those  of  art,  and  her  husband  was 
never  better  contented  than  when  he  saw  her  taking 
a  brilliant  lead  in  conversation  and  charming  her 
interlocutors. 

We  have  remarked  already  that  Napoleon  had  for- 
gotten the  injuries  done  to  Louis  Bonaparte.  We 
may  add  that  the  Empress  Eugénie  forgave  the  per- 
sons who  had  been  inimical  to  Mademoiselle  de 
Montijo.  She  bore  no  grudge  against  those  who 
had  opposed  her  marriage,  although  there  was  a 
spice  of  malice  in  her  occasional  allusions  to  that 
fact.  M.  Mesnard,  for  example,  former  vice-presi- 
dent of  the  Senate  and  at  one  time  counsellor  to  the 
Court  of  Cassation,  had  not  approved  of  this  mar- 
riage. After  reading  the  message  in  which  the 
Emperor  announced  and  gave  reasons  for  it,  he 
had  said:  "A  fine  discourse,  but  I  like  the  sauce 
better  than  the  fish."  Not  long  afterwards  M. 
Mesnard  was   dining  at  the  Tuileries  and  sat  very 


THE  EMPRESS  EUGÉNIE  21 

near  the  Empress.  Just  as  he  was  accepting  some 
turbot  the  sovereign  addressed  him:  "Ah!  sena- 
tor, I  thought  you  merely  liked  the  sauce  and  not 
the  fish."  Surprised  for  a  moment,  M.  Mesnard 
bowed  and  said  that  he  had  changed  his  mind. 

The  three  prosperous  and  peaceful  years  we  are 
about  to  describe  were  the  happiest  period  of 
Eugenie's  life.  Anxieties  about  her  future,  the 
anguish  of  the  Crimean  War,  the  dread  of  remaining 
childless,  had  disturbed  the  beginning  of  her  reign. 
But  as  a  mother  she  touched  the  summit  of  her 
fortune  as  well  as  of  her  beauty.  The  Countess 
Stéphanie  de  Tascher  de  la  Pagerie  describes  her 
at  this  epoch  :  "  I  have  seen  women  as  pretty  as  the 
Empress,  but  I  have  never  known  a  finer  or  more 
distinguished  beauty.  It  is  perfection  in  the  most 
minute  details.  And  the  most  remarkable  thing 
about  this  beauty  is  that  it  is  peculiar  to  herself; 
she  is  no  more  like  a  Spanish  woman  than  a  French 
or  English  one.  There  is  this  about  her,  —  that 
wherever  she  appears  she  takes  the  precedence  by 
her  brilliancy  and  distinction." 

Hence  at  this  time  the  Empress  united  the  satis- 
factions of  the  heart  with  those  of  gratified  vanity. 
She  saw  that  France,  and  one  might  say  the  world, 
took  a  sympathetic  interest  in  the  birth  of  her  son, 
that  child  whose  advent  had  been  made  the  occasion 
of  so  many  amnesties,  pardons,  and  favors. 

There  was  at  this  time  a  journal  whose  editors  had 
several  times  been  sentenced  to  fines  and  imprison- 


22  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND   EMPIRE 

ment.  It  was  the  Figaro.  Its  sale  had  been  for- 
bidden on  the  streets,  and  its  days  appeared  to  be 
numbered  when  its  editor-in-chief,  J\I.  de  Villeraes- 
sant,  had  the  ingenious  idea  of  addressing  to  the 
Prince  Imperial  the  subjoined  letter,  dated  March  20, 
1856,  the  anniversary  of  the  birthday  of  the  King 
of  Rome  :  — 

"  Monseigneur,  forty-five  years  ago  to-day  a  Prince 
was  born  at  the  Tuileries.  A  few  days  after  this 
event,  a  solicitor  presented  himself  at  the  palace  Avith 
a  petition  addressed  to  the  King  of  Rome.  The 
Emperor,  your  great-uncle,  ordered  the  petition  to 
be  handed  to  his  heir  in  person.  Then  he  said, 
smiling,  to  the  petitioner  :  '  What  did  the  King  of 
Rome  reply  ?  '  —  '  Nothing,  Sire  ;  but  as  silence  gives 
consent,  I  am  authorized  to  suppose  that  the  Prince 
grants  my  request.'  —  Napoleon  ratified  the  tacit 
promise  of  his  son. 

"  Monseigneur,  availing  itself  of  this  precedent, 
the  Figaro  presents  its  petition  to  you  to-da}'. 
The  one  hundred  and  one  discharges  of  cannon 
which  saluted  your  birth  permit  us  to  hope  ;  for 
we  know  that  you  came  into  the  world  with  your 
hands  filled  with  pardon  and  indulgence. 

"  Hence  the  Figaro  has  thought  that,  as  an  intelli- 
gent prince,  you  would  say  to  yourself  on  entering 
the  world  :  '  I  come  to  dry  many  tears.  Figaro  is 
certainly  much  less  guilty  than  many  whom  I  have 
pardoned.  Let  us  restore  Figaro  to  life,  so  that  he 
may  learn  from  us  to  be  indulgent  even  to  vice  and 


THE  EMPBESS  EUGENIE  23 

ridicule.'  Behold  our  petition,  then,  Monseigneur, 
in  your  hands.  Do  not  say  no,  and  Figaro  will  be 
saved."  Figaro  was  saved.  The  penalties  it  had 
still  to  undergo  were  remitted.  Its  sale  on  the 
public  streets  was  once  more  allowed.  The  dead 
journal  returned  to  life. 

The  public  naturally  supposed  that  the  birth  of 
the  Prince  Imperial  would  be  the  signal  for  an  era 
of  happiness  and  prosperity.  Parisians  are  very  fond 
of  children.  Whenever  the  little  Prince  appeared  on 
the  promenade,  everybody  praised  his  pretty  ways 
and  looks.  The  motherhood  of  the  Empress  had 
given  her  a  greater  prestige  than  the  throne  itself. 
Her  husband  took  good  care  not  to  disturb  her  joy 
by  hinting  at  his  ulterior  warlike  schemes.  In  talk- 
ing with  her,  he  scrupulously  avoided  all  that  might 
afflict  or  disquiet  her.  If  he  referred  to  his  Romagna 
expedition  of  1832,  he  told  her  that  he  had  never 
been  affiliated  to  the  Carbonari,  and  that  liis  ideas 
were  such  as  those  which  Pius  IX.  had  himself  en- 
tertained at  the  beginning  of  his  pontificate.  He 
insisted  tliat  the  liberals  ought  not  to  be  identified 
with  the  revolutionaries,  and  that  his  own  policy, 
inspired  by  generous  and  civilizing  principles,  would 
always  remain  a  policy  of  order  and  progress. 

Before  launching  France  into  the  adventures  and 
perils  of  another  war,  Xapoleon  III.  intended  to 
allow  her  to  enjoy  for  awhile  the  delights  of  peace. 
Hence  the  programme  was  to  avoid  all  disagreeable 
forebodings  and  secure  the  confidence  so  essential  to 


24  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

industry  and  commerce.  1856  was  the  best  year  of 
the  Second  Empire.  Happy  year,  when  the  foreign 
policy  was  as  calm  as  that  of  the  interior  ;  when  the 
eyes  of  France,  instead  of  being  fixed,  as  in  1855,  on 
the  horrors  of  a  terrible  and  sanguinary  war,  rested 
upon  the  cradle  of  an  infant  ;  and  v/hen  the  eagle's 
claws  no  longer  grasped  the  thunderbolt,  but  an  olive 
branch.  This  is  the  period  which  may  be  called  the 
happy  days  of  the  Empress  Eugénie. 


CHAPTER  III 

COUNT   WALEWSKI 

"TN  1856  the  diplomacy  of  France  was  as  brilliant 
and  as  much  in  vogue  as  its  army  and  navy. 
People  admired  the  heroic  combatants  of  Sebastopol, 
and  were  grateful  to  the  diplomatists  who  had  ar- 
ranged an  honorable  peace.  The  Ministry  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  where  the  sessions  of  Congress  were  held, 
attracted  general  attention.  Situated  on  the  quai 
d'Orsay,  beside  the  Seine  and  next  to  the  Corps 
Législatif,  this  mansion,  proportioned  like  a  palace, 
whose  first  stone  had  been  laid  by  M.  Guizot,  Sic  vos 
71071  vobis,  had  replaced  that  on  the  boulevard  des 
Capucines,  under  whose  windows  had  been  fired  the 
fusillade  of  February  23,  1848,  which  ushered  in 
the  revolution  of  the  following  day.  The  new  min- 
istry had  just  been  installed.  There  is  nothing  re- 
markable in  the  offices,  which  occupy  the  adjoining 
house,  but  the  reception  rooms  and  those  of  the  Min- 
ister are  superb  and  very  well  arranged. 

The  leader  of  French  diplomacy  in  1856  was  Count 
Walewski,  Polish  by  origin,  but  naturalized  a  French- 
man, who  had  served  both  his  countries  nobly.  Alex- 
ander Colonna,  Count  Walewski,  belonged  to  a  very 

25 


26  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

old  family,  related  to  the  Colonnas  who  gave  a  Pope 
and  several  cardinals  to  the  Church,  and  to  Italy 
generals  and  diplomatists.  Born  May  4,  1810,  at 
the  château  of  Walewice,  his  mother  was  the  woman, 
famous  for  her  beauty  and  her  patriotism,  who  in- 
spired a  passion  in  the  First  Napoleon,  and  he  was 
reputed  the  son  of  the  Emperor.  At  the  time  of 
the  abdication,  the  Countess  Walewska  repaired  to 
Fontainebleau  to  testify  her  devotion  to  the  unfortu- 
nate sovereign.  And  when  the  Emperor  of  the 
French  was  merely  the  monarch  of  Elba,  a  woman 
and  a  child  arrived  mysteriously  to  console  him. 
People  supposed  it  to  be  the  Empress  and  the  King 
of  Rome.  It  was  the  Countess  Walewska  and  her 
son. 

Still  a  child  when  he  lost  his  mother,  the  young- 
Count  Walewski  terminated  his  studies  at  Geneva 
and  then  went  to  France,  where  he  made  his  entry 
into  society  during  the  winter  of  1829-30.  He  was 
one  of  the  handsomest  men  of  his  time.  His  lofty 
bearing,  his  head  like  a  Roman  medallion,  his  grand 
manners,  his  perfect  tone,  his  origin,  made  him  the 
fashion  at  once.  Count  d'Haussonville,  member  of 
the  French  Academy  and  father  of  the  present 
Academician,  tells  us  in  his  Souvenirs^  as  a  singular 
thing  and  a  sign  of  the  times,  that  the  entry  of  the 
young  Polish  nobleman  into  legitimist  salons  was 
effected  under  the  auspices  of  all  that  was  purest 
and  most  exclusive  in  the  aristocratic  society  of 
Paris. 


COUNT   WALEWSKI  27 

"  It  was,"  he  says,  "  the  order  of  the  day,  so  to 
speak,  among  the  most  fastidious  ladies  of  the  fau- 
bourg Saint-Germain,  to  give  the  most  cordial  wel- 
come to  the  young  man  whose  features  recalled  in  a 
striking  manner,  but  Mdth  a  prepossessing  and  gentle 
expression,  those  of  the  celebrated  cast.  Notwith- 
standing this  feminine  eagerness  to  please  him,  M. 
Walev/ski,  to  his  credit  be  it  spoken,  remained  per- 
fectly modest." 

After  the  Revolution  of  1830  the  man  of  fashion 
did  not  hesitate  to  detach  himself  from  his  social 
successes  in  order  to  seek  more  serious  ones,  and 
hastened  to  defend  his  country.  He  ardently  em- 
braced the  cause  of  Polish  independence,  took  part 
in  the  battle  of  Grochow,  and  was  sent  to  London 
along  witli  Count  Zamoyski  and  Marquis  Wielopol- 
ski  to  ask  the  intervention  of  England.  When 
Poland  fell,  he  returned  to  France,  and  thanks  to  the 
Orleans  princes,  who  treated  him  as  a  friend,  he 
obtained,  August  10,  1833,  the  rank  of  captain  in  the 
foreign  legion.  Naturalized  a  Frenchman  December 
3  of  the  same  year,  he  was  a  brilliant  officer  in  the 
2d  African  chasseurs,  and  afterwards  in  the  4th 
hussars.  After  performing  a  confidential  mission  to 
Abd-el-Kader,  and  acting  as  director  of  Arabian 
affairs  at  Oran,  he  quitted  the  military  service  in 
1838  and  returned  to  Paris,  where,  not  contented 
with  his  social  successes,  he  aspired  to  those  of  a 
publicist  and  dramatic  author.  Among  other  pam- 
phlets, he  published  one  entitled,  Un  mot  sur  la  ques- 


28  TJIE  cou  ET  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

tion  d'Afrique,  and  another  called  V Alliance  anglaise. 
Founder  and  editor  of  the  Messager,  he  supported 
the  policy  of  M.  Thiers,  whose  friend  he  remained 
forever  afterwards.  At  the  same  time  he  occupied 
himself  with  the  stage.  It  is  claimed  that  he  col- 
laborated with  Alexandre  Dumas  père  in  the  pro- 
duction of  one  of  his  best  plays,  3Iademoiselle  de 
Belle-Isle.  He  brought  out  at  the  Théâtre  Français, 
January  8,  1840,  a  comedy  in  five  acts,  of  which  he 
was  the  sole  author,  the  Ucole  du  monde,  or  the  Oo- 
quette  sans  le  savoir.  Although  admirably  played  by 
Menjaud,  Mirecourt,  Geffroy,  and  Madame  Plessy, 
the  piece  was  a  failure. 

Renouncing  forever  the  hope  of  success  as  a  dram- 
atist. Count  Walewski  became  a  diplomatist  and 
entered  the  path  which  led  him  to  the  highest  posi- 
tions. President  of  the  Council  of  Ministers  from 
March  1,  1840,  his  protector,  M.  Thiers,  bought  the 
3Iessager  newspaper  for  him  and  sent  him  to  Egypt 
on  an  important  mission  to  Mehemet  Ali. 

At  that  time  Count  Walewski  was  sincerely  de- 
voted to  the  July  monarchy,  and  though  everybody 
believed  him  to  be  the  son  of  the  Emperor,  nobody 
considered  him  an  imperialist.  Under  the  ministry 
of  M.  Guizot,  he  continued  the  career  he  had  begun 
under  that  of  M.  Thiers,  and  he  was  directing  the 
French  legation  of  Buenos  Ayres  when  the  Revolu- 
tion of  1848  broke  out. 

After  the  election  of  December  10,  he  rallied  to 
the  support  of  the  Prince-President,  who  appointed 


COUNT  WALEWSKI  29 

him  minister  of  France  to  Florence  in  1849  and  to 
Naples  in  1852.  The  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  and 
the  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies  received  him  in  the 
most  flattering  manner.  Becoming  the  friend  of 
both  sovereigns,  he  always  desired  the  maintenance 
of  their  dynasties,  and  if  Napoleon  III.  had  heeded 
his  advice,  there  would  have  been  no  Italian  unity. 
He  married  a  pretty  and  very  attractive  Florentine, 
Mademoiselle  Ricci,  niece  of  Prince  Joseph  Ponia- 
towski,  minister  of  Tuscany  to  Paris,  and  subse- 
quently a  French  senator.  She  managed  her  salon 
admirably.  Made  ambassador  to  London  in  1854, 
Count  Walewski  and  the  charming  ambassadress 
were  the  greatest  success.  This  was  the  finest 
moment  of  the  English  alliance.  When  the  Coun- 
tess Walewska  left  London,  the  ladies  of  the  aris- 
tocracy clubbed  together  to  present  her  with  a 
bracelet  as  a  keepsake. 

The  Emperor  was  pleased  with  Count  Walewski 
for  the  reserve  and  tact  which  he  displayed  under 
every  circumstance.  No  one  ever  heard  him  allude 
to  his  mother's  relations  with  the  First  Napoleon. 
Some  one  having  said  to  him  one  day  :  "  You  who 
are  the  son  of  a  great  man,"  he  replied  :  "  I  did  not 
know  that  vcxf  father  was  tall."  They  say  that 
Morny  wanted  to  pose  as  the  brother  of  Napoleon 
III.  Never  did  Count  Walewski  take  the  attitude 
of  a  cousin-german  to  the  Emperor. 

M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  having  handed  in  his  resig- 
nation on  May  7,  1855,  was  succeeded  as   Minister 


30  THE  COURT  OF  TUE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

of  Foreign  Affairs  by  the  ambassador  of  France 
at  London,  Count  Walewski.  An  experienced  and 
conscientious  diplomatist,  laborious  and  devoted  to 
his  duties  ;  solid  rather  than  brilliant,  and  cloaking  a 
natural  timidity  and  an  unalterable  kindliness  under 
a  somewhat  haughty  bearing;  calm,  well  balanced, 
full  of  tact  and  good  sense  ;  an  honest  man  in  every 
sense  of  the  word,  and  possessing  a  noble  character 
and  generous  sentiments.  Count  Walewski  was  a 
good  minister.  "  In  power  and  out  of  power,"  M. 
Pinard  has  said,  "he  never  sought  for  money  nor 
the  affairs  which  lead  to  it.  He  thought  the  rôle  of 
a  financier  incompatible  with  that  of  a  statesman. 
He  admired  and  wished  to  imitate  those  Corsicans 
who  twice  saw  a  Napoleon  on  the  throne  without 
increasing  their  patrimony  under  either  Caesar.  He 
spent  freely  the  large  emoluments  pertaining  to  the 
posts  he  occupied  and  was  able  to  die  poor.  That  is 
one  of  his  titles  to  the  esteem  of  all  men." 

I  shall  never  forget  that  I  owe  my  own  entry  to 
the  diplomatic  career  to  the  kindness  of  Count  Wa- 
lewski. It  was  he  who  appointed  me  an  attaché  of 
the  political  department  of  the  JMinistry  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  September  1,  1855.  I  recollect  the  prestige 
then  surrounding  the  ministers  of  Napoleon  III., 
and  the  impression  the}^  produced  on  their  subor- 
dinates. It  was  my  business  at  that  time  to  write 
out  the  minutes  of  the  committee  on  disputed 
claims,  then  under  the  presidency  of  Count  Por- 
talis.     As  the  members  of   the  committee  had  just 


COUNT  WALEW8KI  31 

completed  the  preparation  of  an  arbitrament  which 
the  Emperor  was  to  render,  I  was,  to  my  great  sur- 
prise, ushered  into  the  minister's  private  office  as 
soon  as  they  had  left  it.  I  recall  the  emotions  I 
experienced  in  crossing  for  the  first  time  the  thresh- 
old of  this  sanctuary  of  diplomacy;  I  remember 
what  pleasure,  what  gratitude,  were  aroused  in  me 
by  an  encouraging  word  which  the  minister  honored 
me  by  speaking. 

The  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs  was  at  that  time 
as  eminent  from  the  social  point  of  view  as  from  that 
of  politics.  Nothing  could  be  more  brilliant  than 
the  balls  and  dinners  given  there.  The  Countess 
Walewski  received  every  Wednesday  evening,  and 
the  plenipotentiaries  of  the  Congress  and  the  élite  of 
Parisian  society  were  invariably  present.  No  salon 
was  more  elegant  than  hers,  and  there  was  no  Minis- 
try of  Foreign  Affairs  in  all  Europe  as  splendid  and 
as  much  frequented  as  that  of  France. 

This  was  the  apogee  of  Count  Walewski's  career. 
He  presided  at  the  Congress  of  Paris  Avith  much 
authority  and  dignity.  His  imperturbable  calm,  his 
exquisite  politeness,  his  perfect  courtesy,  his  thor- 
ough acquaintance  with  the  technical  details  and 
questions  of  every  kind,  were  remarked  by  his  col- 
leagues. They  appreciated  his  spirit  of  conciliation, 
his  impartiality,  his  faculty  of  stating  the  points  in 
litigation  with  precision,  and  of  summing  up  the 
debates  intelligibly.  The  foreign  policy  of  France, 
which  later   on   was   frequently  subjected  to  well- 


32  THE  COURT  OF  TUE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

founded  criticism,  was  at  this  time,  one  might  almost 
say,  uncensured  by  either  the  public  or  the  press. 
With  the  exception  of  a  few  observers  more  prudent 
and  perspicacious  than  the  rest,  people  approved  the 
Crimean  War  and  considered  its  results  not  dispro- 
portionate with  the  sacrifices  it  had  entailed.  The 
work  of  the  army  and  of  French  diplomacy  was 
favorably  considered  not  merely  by  imperialists  but 
even  by  the  older  parties.  This  is  the  epoch  when 
M.  Thiers  wrote  in  the  preface  to  the  twelfth  volume 
of  his  History  of  the  Consulate  and  the  Empire  :  "  The 
greatest  compensation  for  being  unimportant  in  one's 
country  is  to  see  that  country  all  that  it  should  be  in 
the  world." 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  TREATY   OF  PARIS 

TTTHEN  the  Congress  of  Paris  resumed  its  ses- 
sions, interrupted  for  four  days,  on  March 
18,  1856,  two  additional  members  were  present  :  the 
Prussian  plenipotentiaries.  Prussia  had  been  neither 
a  belligerent  nor  an  ally  of  either  Russia  or  the  West- 
ern powers,  and  it  seemed  as  if  she  ought  not  to 
figure  in  the  Congress.  Such  was  the  opinion  of 
England.  Prince  Albert  had  written  to  the  King  of 
the  Belgians  :  "  Great  powers  can  take  no  hand  in 
the  great  game  of  politics  unless  they  put  their 
money  on  the  table."  But  in  the  end  Napoleon  III. 
contrived  to  make  the  opposite  opinion  prevail.  Un- 
der pretext  that  the  court  of  Berlin  had  concurred  in 
1841  with  the  stipulations  concerning  the  closing  of 
the  Dardanelles,  he  obtained  not  merely  that  Prussia 
should  be  represented  in  the  agreement  relating  to 
the  straits,  but  that  she  should  sign  the  general 
treaty  of  peace.  Her  two  plenipotentiaries,  Baron 
Manteuffel,  Prime  Minister  of  Frederick  William  IV., 
and  Count  Hatzfeldt,  minister  of  Prussia  at  Paris, 
although  introduced  at  the  eleventh  hour  to  the  Con- 
gress, were  treated  on  the  same  footing  as  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  other  powers. 


34  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

At  noon  on  Sunday,  March  30,  the  plenipotentia- 
ries assembled  in  uniform  at  the  Ministry  of  Foreign 
Affairs  to  sign  the  treaty.  Peace  was  signed  at  one 
o'clock.  Directly  after  the  session  they  repaired  to 
the  Tuileries,  where  they  were  received  by  the  Em- 
peror. At  two  o'clock  a  salvo  of  one  hundred  and 
one  guns  from  the  Invalides  announced  to  the  people 
of  Paris  that  peace  was  concluded.  In  the  evening 
there  was  a  dinner  of  sixty  covers  at  the  IMinistry  of 
Foreign  Affairs  to  celebrate  the  great  event.  Count 
Walewski  offered  a  toast  to  the  duration  of  peace. 
"It  will  be  durable  because  it  is  honorable  to  all.''' 

On  Tuesday,  April  1,  Napoleon  III.  held  a  review 
on  the  Champ  de  Mars  in  honor  of  the  peace.  Pre- 
ceded by  his  equerries,  aides-de-camp,  orderlies,  and 
followed  by  a  numerous  staff,  among  whom  were 
seen  Prince  Napoleon,  Prince  de  Reuss,  General 
Count  Orloff,  and  the  Russian  officers  attached  to 
his  mission.  Marquis  Villamarina,  the  Sardinian  min- 
ister. Marshal  Narvaëz,  Baron  Seebach,  minister  of 
Saxony,  Marshal  Vaillant,  General  Prim,  Marshal 
Canrobert,  he  traversed  the  garden  of  the  Tuileries, 
the  Place  de  la  Concorde,  and  followed  the  Cours 
la  Reine  and  the  quays.  When  he  came  out  on  the 
Pont  d'Iéna,  the  troops  paid  him  military  honors  and 
joined  their  acclamations  to  those  of  the  crowds  that 
covered  the  rising  grounds  of  the  Champ  de  Mars. 

The  Countess  de  Damréraont  wrote  to  M.  Thou- 
venel,  then  minister  at  Constantinople  :  "  I  wish  you 
could  have  seen  Paris  last  Tuesday  to  get  an  idea  of 


THE  TREATY  OF  PARIS  35 

the  public  satisfaction.  In  the  first  place,  the  morn- 
ing review  was  magnificent.  An  immense  multitude 
of  spectators  had  assembled  at  the  Champ  de  Mars, 
and  the  weather  was  in  unison  with  the  prevailing 
sentiments.  Everybody  seemed  happy,  the  head  of 
the  State  especially,  since  by  a  firm  and  stable  policy, 
full  of  moderation,  he  has  raised  the  country  to  the 
rank  from  which  it  descended  nearly  half  a  century 
ago. 

"The  Emperor  beheld  himself  followed  by  repre- 
sentatives of  the  greatest  j)Owers  of  the  world,  and 
at  the  summit  of  the  most  incontestable  glory. 
These  representatives  were  there,  ten  paces  behind 
him,  in  brilliant  uniforms,  and  witnessing  by  their 
presence  to  the  sympathies  which  the  wisdom  and 
loyalty  of  his  policy  have  inspired  even  in  those  who 
not  long  since  were  still  his  enemies.  It  seems  to 
me  that  no  finer  or  more  amazing  procession  was 
ever  known  than  that  which  accomxpanied  him  that 
day.  Among  others  was  seen  —  and  everybody 
wanted  to  see  him  there  —  Count  Orloff,  the  very 
man  who,  forty-two  years  ago,  IMarch  30,  1814,  after 
the  battle  fought  under  the  walls  of  Paris  by  the 
allies,  had  been  the  third  to  enter  our  capital,  follow- 
ing Counts  Nesselrode  and  Paar." 

During  the  entire  day  of  the  review  the  people 
kept  holiday.  Their  manifestations  of  joy  vv^ere  pro- 
longed through  the  evening.  The  illuminations 
were  general.  As  if  to  demonstrate  their  spontane- 
ity, the  public  buildings  remained  dark,  in  striking 


36  TUE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

contrast  to  the  brilliancy  of  private  houses.  In  the 
business  quarters  the  crowd  was  so  great  that  it  was 
not  easy  to  penetrate  it.  The  sky  glittered  with 
stars.     Every  countenance  shone  with  joy. 

It  was  said  that  the  treaty  had  been  signed  with 
the  quill  of  an  eagle,  procured  at  the  Jardin  des 
Plantes  by  M.  Feuillet  de  Conches,  introducer  of  the 
ambassadors.  Nemo  —  the  pseudonym  by  which  M. 
de  Pêne  signed  his  articles  in  the  Nord  newspaper  — 
wrote  on  April  6  :  "  But  this  was  a  radiant  week  !  A 
cloudless  sky,  joy  in  every  heart,  a  pacific  salvo  of 
one  hundred  and  one  cannon  which  found  an  echo 
in  the  hearts  of  all  mothers,  windows  draped  and 
illuminated,  satisfaction  for  all  honest  men,  who,  for 
once,  were  included  in  a  single  party  !  To  write  the 
chronicle  of  this  happy  week  an  iron  pen  would  be 
too  bellicose,  a  goosequill  too  stupid.  As  for  an 
eagle  pen,  it  needs  a  congress  to  procure  such  a 
thing  and  a  M.  Feuillet  de  Conches  to  dare  to  pluck 
it  from  the  bird  of  Jove.  We  cannot  sufficiently  ad- 
mire the  courage  displayed  by  M.  Feuillet  de  Conches 
in  his  expedition  against  the  dangerous  penholder 
from  which  it  was  a  matter  of  detaching  a  fraction  of 
his  plumage.  No  adequate  details  have  been  given 
of  this  bold  larceny  accomplished  in  honor  of  the 
Congress  of  Paris  and  its  labors  of  pacification." 

Ratifications  of  the  treaty  having  been  exchanged, 
it  appeared  with  its  annexes  in  the  3Ioniteur  of  April 
29,  and  the  protocols  were  published  April  30  and 
May  1.     In  drawing  up  these  diplomatic  instruments 


THE  TREATY  OF  PARIS  87 

scrupulous  care  had  been  taken  to  avoid  anything 
which  might  wound  Russian  self-esteem.  M.  de 
Bourqueney  said  to  Herr  von  Beust  :  "  One  can  read 
the  treaty  of  March  30  without  discovering  which  is 
the  victor  and  which  the  vanquished."  Not  a  word 
was  said  of  the  question  of  the  Holy  Places  which 
had  been  the  beginning  of  the  quarrel  between  the 
cabinets  of  Paris  and  Saint  Petersburg.  The  claim 
of  the  Emperor  Nicholas  to  take  the  orthodox  subjects 
of  the  Sultan  under  his  protection  was  likewise  passed 
over  in  silence.  The  principal  stipulations  of  the 
treaty  applied  to  all  the  powers,  and  their  general  char- 
acter was  not  such  as  to  offend  the  feelings  of  Russia. 

The  powers  collectively  received  an  official  ac- 
knowledgment of  the  firman  by  vdiich  the  Sultan 
improved  the  condition  of  his  subjects  without  dis- 
tinction of  race  or  religion  (Article  9). 

The  Black  Sea  was  made  neutral.  Open  to  the 
merchant  marine  of  all  nations,  its  waters  and  its 
ports  were  interdicted  to  all  ships  of  war,  whether  of 
the  riverside  or  any  other  powers  (Article  11). 

Article  22  stipulated  that  no  exclusive  protection 
should  be  exercised  over  the  Danubian  Principalities 
by  any  one  of  the  guaranteeing  powers.  By  Article 
23  the  Sublime  Porte  pledged  itself  to  ensure  an  in- 
dependent and  international  administration  to  the 
Principalities.  A  committee  was  to  be  formed 
whose  business  it  would  be  to  learn  their  actual 
condition  and  propose  the  bases  for  their  future 
organization. 


38  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

Article  28  stipulated  that  the  principality  of  Servia 
should  preserve  its  independent  and  national  admin- 
istration, as  well  as  full  liberty  of  worship,  legisla- 
tion, commerce,  and  navigation. 

Article  15  proclaimed  the  free  navigation  of  the 
Danube.  A  permanent  committee  was  to  undertake 
the  removal  of  existing  impediments  to  this,  and  to 
enact  regulations  for  policing  the  river. 

The  only  clause  in  the  treaty  which  offended 
Russia  was  that  which  took  away  from  her  a  portion 
of  Bessarabia  and  delivered  it  to  the  Moldavian  prin- 
cipalit3^  The  territory  ceded  was  insignificant,  but 
it  annoj'^ed  Russia  to  include  no  part  of  the  Danube 
within  her  limits.  It  was  Austria  that  insisted  on 
the  adoption  of  this  clause,  and  the  Russians  were 
correspondingly  bitter  against  the  cabinet  of  Vienna. 
Count  Orloff  said  to  Cavour  :  "  The  Austrian  pleni- 
potentiary does  not  know  what  tears  and  blood  this 
rectification  of  the  frontier  will  cost  his  countr3\" 

The  Russians  might  well  have  been  vexed  with 
Piedmont,  which,  although  not  in  any  way  menaced 
by  them,  had  gone  to  the  Crimea  to  fight  against 
their  country  and  take  part  in  a  quarrel  which  con- 
cerned in  no  wise  the  house  of  Savoy.  But  their 
resentment  against  Victor  Emmanuel  was  much  less 
keen  than  their  wrath  against  the  Emperor  Francis 
Joseph.  Alexander  II.  was  convinced  that  if  Austria 
had  not  issued  her  ultimatum  Russia  would  have 
been  victorious  in  the  Crimean  War.  To  the  Czar 
this  conduct  on  the  part  of  Austria,  which  Russia 


THE   TREATY  OF  PARIS  39 

had  saved  at  the  time  of  the  war  with  Hungary,  was 
a  monstrous  ingratitude.  Napoleon  III.  viewed  witli 
satisfaction  the  bitterness  of  Russian  enmity  towards 
Austria,  intended  to  make  use  of  it,  and  in  1856  was 
already  making  ready  for  what  he  was  to  accomplish 
in  1859.  But,  true  to  his  instincts  as  a  conspirator, 
he  was  careful  not  to  alarm  those  whose  interests 
were  concerned  and  felt  his  way  at  first  with  much 
prudence.  His  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  Count 
Walewski,  was  an  essentiall}'-  conservative  diploma- 
tist, and  extremely  opposed  to  a  war  in  Italy.  Yet 
it  was  he  whom  the  Emperor  charged  to  lay  before 
the  Congress  what  has  since  been  known  as  the 
Italian  question. 

After  signing  the  treaties  the  plenipotentiaries  held 
several  additional  sessions.  During  that  of  April  8, 
Count  Walewski  remarked  that  it  would  be  well  if, 
before  separating,  the  plenipotentiaries  should  ex- 
change ideas  on  various  subjects  demanding  a  solu- 
tion and  sure  to  crop  up  later  if  not  considered  now. 
He  added  that  Lord  Clarendon  would  undoubtedly 
unite  with  him  in  declaring  that  while  France  and 
England  awaited  with  impatience  the  moment  when 
the  present  business  could  be  concluded,  yet  to  ter- 
minate it  without  considering  important  modifica- 
tions in  the  existing  condition  of  things  in  Greece 
would  entail  serious  inconveniences. 

The  first  plenipotentiary  of  France  next  reminded 
the  Congress  that  the  Pontifical  States  were  also  in 
an  abnormal  condition,  and  that  the  necessitj^  of  not 


40  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOXD  EMPIRE 

delivering  the  country  over  to  anarchy  had  decided 
both  France  and  Austria  to  comply  with  the  request 
of  the  Holy  See,  the  former  by  occupying  Rome  with 
troops  and  the  latter  by  sending  its  soldiers  to  the 
legations.  On  one  hand,  declared  Count  Walewski, 
the  title  of  eldest  soïi  of  the  Church,  on  which  the 
sovereign  of  France  prided  himself,  made  it  the 
Emperor's  duty  to  give  aid  and  support  to  the  Sov- 
ereign Pontiff.  On  the  other  hand,  said  he,  it  was 
impossible  to  deny  the  anomalous  condition  of  a 
power  whose  maintenance  depended  upon  foreign 
armies  ;  adding  that  France  earnestly  longed  for  the 
moment  when  she  could  withdraw  her  troops  with- 
out endangering  the  interior  tranquillity  of  the 
country  and  the  authority  of  the  pontifical  govern- 
ment. 

Not  content  with  formulating  the  Roman  question 
in  this  manner.  Count  Walewski  inquired  whether  it 
were  not  desirable  that  certain  governments  of  the 
Italian  peninsula,  rallying  to  their  support  by  well- 
devised  acts  of  clemency  minds  that  were  misled  but 
not  perverted,  should  put  an  end  to  a  system  which 
instead  of  reaching  the  foes  of  order  resulted  merely 
in  weakening  governments  and  increasing  the  number 
of  demagogues. 

Lord  Clarendon  not  merely  abounded  in  the  same 
sense  but  he  put  into  the  shape  of  a  formal  indict- 
ment what  Count  "Walewski  had  expressed  in  very 
measured  terms.  The  first  Austrian  plenipotentiary 
declared  that  it  was  impossible  to  discuss  the  internal 


THE  TREATY  OF  PAEIS  41 

condition  of  independent  States  not  represented  at 
the  Congress.  Count  Orloff  excused  himself  by 
alleging  the  absence  of  instructions.  Count  Cavour, 
however,  developed  and  emphasized  the  gTievances 
mentioned  by  Count  Walewski  and  Lord  Clarendon. 
The  Italian  question  was  formulated. 

Protocol  XXII. — that  of  the  session  of  April  8, 
1856  —  concluded  as  follows:  "The  exchange  of 
ideas  which  has  taken  place  is  not  without  utility. 
The  first  plenipotentiary  of  France  establishes  that 
there  does  in  fact  result  from  it  :  — 

"  1.  That  no  one  has  disputed  the  necessity  of 
maturely  considering  the  necessity  of  ameliorating 
the  situation  of  Greece,  and  that  the  three  protecting 
courts  have  recognized  the  importance  of  a  mutual 
understanding  on  this  subject  ; 

"2.  That  the  Austrian  plenipotentiaries  join  in 
the  desire  expressed  by  the  plenipotentiaries  of 
France  to  see  the  Pontifical  States  evacuated  by  the 
French  and  Austrian  troops  as  soon  as  it  can  be 
done  without  inconvenience  to  the  tranquillity  of 
the  country  or  the  consolidation  of  the  authority  of 
the  Holy  See  ; 

"  3.  That  a  majority  of  the  plenipotentiaries  have 
not  disputed  the  efficacity  of  measures  of  clemenc}' 
opportunely"  taken  by  the  governments  of  the  Italian 
peninsula  and  especially  by  that  of  the  Two  Sicilies  ; 

"4.  That  none  of  the  plenipotentiaries,  even  those 
v/ho  have  felt  bound  to  reserve  the  principle  of  the 
freedom  of   the  press,  have   hesitated  to  blame  em- 


42  THE   COUBT   OF  THE  SECOND   EMPIRE 

phatically  the  excesses  to  which  the  Belgian  journals 
have  gone  with  impunity,  or  to  recognize  the  neces- 
sity of  remedying  the  inconveniences  resulting  from 
the  unbridled  license  so  greatl}^  abused  in  Belgium." 

The  members  of  the  Congress  completed  their 
work  by  a  declaration  of  principles  concerning  mari- 
time law.     It  related  to  the  four  points  subjoined  :  — 

"  1.    Privateering  is  abolished  ; 

"  2.  Neutral  flags  protect  an  enemy's  merchandise 
with  the  exception  of  contraband  of  war; 

"  3.  Neutral  merchandise,  contraband  of  war  ex- 
cepted, is  not  liable  to  seizure  under  an  enemy's  flag  ; 

"  4.    Blockades  to  be  obligatory  must  be  effective." 

Thus  the  labors  of  the  Congress  terminated  by  the 
proclamation  of  reforms  in  harmony  with  the  progress 
of  general  civilization. 

Public  opinion  was  satisfied.  Certain  minds  more 
perspicacious  than  the  others  alone  foreboded  the 
war  of  which  Protocol  XXII.  contained  the  germ. 
With  the  exception  of  mothers  who  bewailed  the 
loss  of  their  sons,  nobody  thought  of  the  torrents  of 
blood  that  had  been  shed  in  the  gigantic  struggle 
just  concluded.  According  to  the  statistics  men- 
tioned by  M.  de  La  Gorce  Çffistoire  du  Second  Um- 
pire^, the  losses  of  France  amounted  to  ninety-five 
thousand  men,  twenty  thousand  of  whom  were  shot, 
and  seventy-five  thousand  stricken  down  by  illness. 
Of  the  English  twenty  thousand  had  succumbed,  but 
only  four  thousand  in  battles  or  assaults.  The  Sar- 
dinians had  lost  only  twenty-eight  men  killed  at  the 


THE  TREATY  OF  PARIS  43 

battle  of  Traktir,  but  to  these  must  be  added  more 
than  two  thousand  who  died  in  the  hospitals,  mostly 
from  cholera.  The  losses  of  the  Turks  were  reckoned 
at  about  thirty  thousand  men,  nearly  all  killed  in  the 
battles  of  the  Danube  or  struck  down  by  epidemics 
in  the  bivouacs  of  the  Crimea.  As  to  the  Russians, 
their  losses  were  estimated  at  one  hundred  and  ten 
thousand  killed  or  dead,  not  counting  the  innumera- 
ble victims  who  had  succumbed  on  the  long  Russian 
roads  before  reaching  the  Crimea,  nor  those  who  died 
of  typhus  during  the  second  winter.  During  that 
winter  old  military  men  were  worn  out  by  fatigue 
and  younger  ones  were  not  yet  inured  to  the  rigors 
of  a  terrible  climate  ;  more  than  forty-seven  thousand 
men  entered  the  hospitals  of  the  Crimea,  and  nearly 
nine  thousand  died  there. 

The  evacuation  of  that  scene  of  combats  and  suffer- 
ing began  in  April.  It  was  over  by  the  end  of  June. 
Nothing  was  left  of  those  earthworks  whose  posses- 
sion had  been  disputed  with  such  bitterness.  The 
treaty  of  Paris  did  not  deprive  Russia  in  the  Crimea 
of  an  inch  of  her  territory  nor  a  stone  of  her  fortresses. 
Kamiesch  and  the  entire  Chersonese  plateau  was  given 
back  to  her  July  4.  Marslial  Pelissier  was  the  last 
to  leave  this  region,  from  which  he  took  his  title  of 
Duke  of  Malakoff  as  a  souvenir. 

What  remains  at  present  of  the  treaty  of  Paris? 
In  1871  Russia  resumed  her  former  place  in  the 
Black  Sea.  The  treaty  of  Berlin  restored  to  her  that 
portion  of  Bessarabia  the  loss  of  which  she  had  felt 


44  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

SO  keenly.  The  traveller  who  now  visits  Sebastopol 
and  its  environs  finds  there  but  one  trace  of  the  Cri- 
mean War  :  the  cemetery. 

In  1856  the  victors  did  not  ask  whether  the  results 
of  the  struggle  in  which  they  had  taken  so  glorious  a 
part  could  be  lasting.  They  returned  home  with  a 
sentiment  of  legitimate  pride,  and  knew  that  grateful 
France  did  them  full  justice.  "Perhaps  you  will 
not  believe  me,"  wrote  Captain  Charles  Bocher,  "but 
I  do  assure  you  that  notwithstanding  the  pleasure  it 
will  give  me  to  see  Paris  once  more,  I  shall  regret 
leaving  this  famous  plateau  of  the  Chersonese  where 
I  have  experienced  many  griefs  and  undergone  many 
sufferings,  but  where  I  have  also  had  the  greatest 
joys  in  the  satisfaction  that  arises  from  duties  ful- 
filled and  the  spectacle  of  the  great  deeds  I  have 
witnessed."  General  Fay  thus  ends  his  Souvenirs  : 
"  Of  course,  we  suffered  ;  but  we  knew  very  well 
that  these  sufferings  were  not  in  vain,  for  we  had 
cicatrized  in  part  the  wounds  inflicted  on  our  fathers, 
and  replaced  France  in  the  rank  which  after  such 
great  reverses  and  such  great  victories  had  been  taken 
from  her  for  a  day." 

At  present  the  Crimean  War  is  the  object  of  many 
criticisms.  In  1856  the  only  sentiment  which  it  in- 
spired in  Frenchmen  was  admiration. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE   SPKING   OF   1856 

/~\NE  should  have  lived  in  Paris  in  1856  to  form 
an  adequate  idea  of  the  brilliancy  of  the  great 
capital,  newly  embellished  and  transfigured,  in  the 
springtime  of  that  radiant  year.  In  France  nothing 
dries  tears  and  blood  so  quickly  as  the  sunshine  of 
victory.  People  compassionate  the  sufferings  and 
calamities  of  war  only  when  they  have  not  resulted 
in  success.  Nobody  dreamed  of  blaming  either  Na- 
poleon III.  or  Queen  Victoria  for  the  hecatombs  of 
slaughtered  men  which  had  reddened  the  Chersonese 
plateau.  Her  national  pride  satisfied,  although  she 
had  obtained  neither  a  cession  of  territory  nor  any 
personal  advantage,  France  told  herself  that  she  was 
the  great  nation,  and  that  thought  sufficed  her.  The 
journals  persuaded  the  country  that  the  world  ad- 
mired her,  that  the  French  soldier  was  the  soldier  of 
God,  gesta  Dei  per  Francos,  and  that  the  Crimean 
War  had  not  merely  saved  European  equilibrium  but 
the  cause  of  universal  civilization.  Military  men 
forgot  their  sufferings  in  looking  at  the  decorations 
and  promotions  they  had  so  gloriously  obtained. 
Civilians  were  proud  of  the  army.     The  inhabitants 

45 


46  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

of  Paris  are  never  so  happy  as  when  their  vanity  is 
gratified.  Success  is  what  they  prefer  before  all 
things.  The  great  city  is  like  a  pretty  woman. 
What  she  wants  is  to  be  admired. 

In  the  spring  of  1856,  Paris,  full  of  admiration, 
excitement,  and  gaiety,  presented  a  fairy-like  aspect. 
More  brilliant  equipages,  richer  toilettes,  more  ele- 
gant houses  at  the  theatres  had  never  been  seen. 
Pleasure  was  the  order  of  the  day.  Official  society 
and  that  of  the  faubourg  Saint-Germain  vied  with 
each  other  in  luxury  and  entertainments.  Parisian 
newspapers  at  this  period  paid  very  little  heed  to 
anything  but  what  are  nowadays  called  worldly 
vanities,  jyiondanités.  The  Paris  letters  published 
at  Brussels  by  Le  Nord  and  the  Indépendance  Belge 
furnish  the  details  of  the  social  whirl. 

The  most  brilliant  of  the  legitimist  fêtes  was  the 
masked  ball  given  April  2  by  the  Duchess  Pozzo  di 
Borgo  in  her  house  on  the  rue  de  l'Université.  It 
was  followed  on  the  succeeding  evening  by  a  ball 
at  the  house  of  the  Prussian  legation,  on  the  rue 
de  Lille,  occupied  by  Prince  Eugene  under  the  First 
Empire,  and  at  present  by  the  German  embassy. 
Count  Hatzfeldt  and  his  wife,  the  daughter  of  Mar- 
shal de  Castellane,  gave  it  in  honor  of  the  pleni- 
potentiaries of  the  Congress.  The  embassies  and 
legations  were  then  a  neutral  ground  where  the 
heads  of  the  different  parties  met  each  other.  At 
the  Prussian  ball  M.  Guizot  ran  across  Count 
Walewski,    Count    de    Montalembert,    M.    Rouher, 


THE  SPRING    OF  IS 56  47 

M.  Dumont,  and  M.  Achille  Fould.  As  usual,  the 
members  of  the  Congress  engrossed  most  of  the 
attention.  But  the  Princes  de  Reuss  were  also 
pointed  out,  and  Marshal  Narvaëz,  M.  Olozaga, 
Lady  Clarendon,  the  Countess  de  Montijo,  accom- 
panied by  a  young  and  beautiful  Spanish  girl, 
jMademoiselle  de  la  Paniega,  who  had  just  arrived 
in  France,  and  who  married  the  Marshal  Duke  of 
Malakoff  two  years  later. 

"  The  ball  of  the  Prussian  legation,"  wrote  Nemo 
(Henry  de  Pêne)  in  the  Nord,  "has  brought  to  light 
a  difficulty  singularly  embarrassing  to  the  great  per- 
sonages who  are  here  in  an  official  capacity.  They 
are  confronted  by  a  Parisian  society  divided  into 
two  very  distinct  camps  :  those  who  go  to  the  Tuil- 
eries and  those  who  do  not.  Personal  sj-mpathies, 
family  affinities,  mutual  esteem,  unite  the  representa- 
tives of  powers  friendly  to  France  to  a  goodly  num- 
ber of  recalcitrant  Parisians.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  is  undeniable  that  their  natural  and  indispensable 
place  is  at  the  court  to  which  they  are  accredited." 

The  Turkish  ambassador,  Mehemet  Djemil  Bey, 
gave  a  ball  to  more  than  twelve  hundred  guests  on 
April  10.  And  as  the  Sultan  had  attended  a  ball 
given  by  the  French  ambassador,  the  Emperor  re- 
turned the  courtesy  by  attending  that  of  the  Otto- 
man embassy.  Two  days  afterward  the  Grand- Vizier, 
All  Pasha,  wrote  from  Paris  to  M.  Thouvenel:  "The 
Emperor  deigned  to  honor  our  fête  of  the  10th  by 
his  presence.     I  cannot  tell  you  how  happy  this  great 


48  TEE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

imperial  favor  has  made  me.  It  is  an  additional 
title  to  the  hatred  of  tlie  envious." 

April  12  Napoleon  gave  a  banquet  at  the  Tuil- 
eries to  the  members  of  the  Congress.  The  cardi- 
nals, marshals,  presidents  of  the  great  bodies  of 
State  and  grand  officers  of  the  crown  were  present 
with  the  foreign  ministers.  At  the  right  of  the 
Emperor,  Avho  sat  at  a  table  shaped  like  a  horse- 
shoe, was  Lord  Clarendon,  and  on  his  left  Count 
de  Buol.  Prince  Napoleon  was  opposite  the  sover- 
eign, with  Count  Orloff  on  his  right  and  Ali  Pasha 
on  his  left.  Towards  the  end  of  the  dinner,  Napol- 
eon III.  rose  to  his  feet  and  said  :  "  I  propose  a 
toast  to  the  union  so  happily  restored  between  the 
sovereigns.  May  it  be  lasting,  and  it  will  be  so  if 
it  rests  on  right,  justice,  and  the  real  and  legitimate 
interests  of  peoples." 

The  relations  between  those  who  yesterday  were 
enemies  had  become  most  cordial.  General  Duke 
de  Mortemart,  then  commanding  the  division  of 
Bourges,  wrote  to  Marshal  de  Castellane  :  "  This 
is  a  fine  peace,  and  I  can  assure  you  of  one  thing, 
namely,  that  my  old  camp  companion  in  the  war 
of  the  Balkans  in  1828,  Count  Orloff,  is  enthusiastic 
about  our  Emperor.  He  declares  that  he  is  the 
arbiter  of  what  is  just  and  true  throughout  the 
world." 

Napoleon  entertained  especially  friendly  relations 
with  Prussia  and  all  Germany.  In  May  the  King 
of  Wiirtemberg  was  his  guest.     Reaching  Paris  on 


THE  SPRING   OF  1856  49 

the  3d,  this  monarch  occupied  the  pavilion  of  Mar- 
san at  the  Tuileries.  The  5th  he  dined  at  the 
Palais-Royal  with  his  brother-iu-law,  King  Jerome. 
Prince  Napoleon,  the  Princess  Mathilde,  Baron 
Waechter,  minister  of  Wiirtemberg  in  France,  and 
Baroness  Waechter,  Baron  Fatenheim,  grand  equerry 
of  the  Wiirtemberg  sovereign,  were  among  the  guests. 
On  the  13th  the  King  left  Paris  to  return  to  his 
dominions,  enchanted  with  the  reception  given  him 
by  the  Emperor.  The  former  quarrels  of  Germany 
and  France  seemed  to  be  forgotten  forever. 

May  13,  the  Emperor  and  the  Empress  installed 
themselves  at  the  château  of  Saint-Cloud  with  their 
son,  who  now  left  Paris  for  the  first  time.  Just  a 
month  earlier,  the  Duke  of  Alba  had  brought  the 
Crolden  Fleece  from  Queen  Isabella  to  the  little 
prince  who,  on  the  28th  April,  the  day  when  the 
treaty  of  peace  was  published  by  the  3Ioniteui\  had 
been  inscribed  as  child  of  the  regiment  on  the  roll  of 
the  1st  regiment  of  grenadiers  of  the  imperial  guard. 
His  baptism,  which  was  to  be  celebrated  with  extraor- 
dinary pomp  at  Notre  Dame  de  Paris,  was  fixed  for 
the  14th  of  June. 

Nor  was  it  the  court  alone  which  was  perpetually 
keeping  holiday.  The  city  seemed  equally  delighted. 
As  people  made  a  good  deal  of  money,  so  they  spent 
it  with  great  readiness.  All  the  industries  of  Paris, 
especially  those  of  luxury,  realized  unexpected  gains. 
The  optimism  of  the  financial  world  was  imperturba- 
ble.    Any  one  vrho  had  pointed  out  the  least  cloud 


50  TUE  COU  ET  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

on  the  horizon  would  have  been  treated  as  an  alarm- 
ist and  a  coward.  The  transformation  of  Paris,  ef- 
fected as  it  were  by  the  wand  of  a  magician,  coincided 
in  the  happiest  manner  with  the  conclusion  of  peace. 
The  predictions  of  the  great  prefect,  Baron  Hauss- 
mann,  were  fulfilled.  He  had  asserted  that  extraor- 
dinary disbursements  are  not  injurious  to  the  budget, 
but,  if  intelligently  made,  enrich  instead  of  impover- 
ishing, and  bring  about  a  general  increase  of  the 
revenue.  He  had  quoted  the  remark  of  Louis  XIV. 
to  Mansard  :  "  Build,  keep  on  building  ;  we  will 
make  the  advances  and  foreigners  will  repay  them." 
Foreigners  !  they  had  come  in  crowds  to  admire  the 
marvels  of  the  new  Paris,  now  the  cosmopolitan  city 
by  excellence.  The  Parisian,  critical  at  first  of  the 
work  of  transformation,  began  to  applaud  the  moment 
it  was  completed.  He  halted  in  front  of  the  squares 
which  distributed  light,  air,  and  verdure  so  widely  and 
in  so  doing  restored  or  preserved  the  public  health. 
He  went  with  pleasure  through  the  new  streets.  He 
looked  at  the  Louvre,  still  surrounded  by  scaffold- 
ings, but  soon  to  display  its  splendid  and  majestic 
ensemble. 

"  When  the  weather  was  fine,"  says  M.  de  La 
Gorce  in  his  History  of  the  Second  Empire^  "the 
Parisian  was  very  willing  to  prolong  his  outing  ;  he 
prolonged  it  by  the  Carrousel,  finally  purged  from 
the  shameful  diversions  which  had  obstructed  it  so 
long  ;  those  who  were  most  courageous  went  further 
still,  and  found  their  way  through  the  long  avenues 


THE  SPRING   OF  1856  51 

to  the  Champs-Elysées  and  even  to  the  Bois  de  Bou- 
logne, of  which  an  art  which  knew  how  to  avail  itself 
of  a  graceful  disorder  had  completed  the  embellish- 
ment, and  which  imitated  the  splendors  of  Hyde 
Park  while  surrounding  them  with  a  still  more 
beautiful  frame. 

"  As  he  went  he  admired  the  police  service,  reor- 
ganized and  enlarged,  the  better  organized  street 
commissions,  the  macadamized  roads  substituted  for 
the  old  pavements,  the  improved  and  developed 
water  service,  the  public  travel  by  means  of  the 
omnibuses  beginning  to  traverse  every  quarter. 
Then  when  evening  suggested  his  return,  he  won- 
dered at  the  interminable  lines  of  gas  jets  on  either 
side  of  the  regular  streets,  and,  in  the  dazzling  splen- 
dor of  all  those  new  things  which  it  seems  nowadays 
as  if  we  had  always  enjoyed,  the  wisest,  the  most 
far-sighted,  the  least  enthusiastic  was  allured  into 
forgetfulness  of  present  cares  and  admiration  of  this 
Paris  of  Napoleon  III.,  so  animated  and  so  bright, 
and  into  the  hope  that,  in  spite  of  already  visible 
signs  to  the  contrary,  the  Second  Empire  would  gain 
a  renown  for  wisdom  equal  to  the  seductive  prestige 
due  to  its  brilliancy." 

The  Crimea,  soon  to  be  evacuated  by  the  allied 
troops,  sent  none  but  joyous  echoes  to  France.  In  a 
despatch  from  Sebastopol  addressed  to  the  Minister  of 
War,  Marshal  Pélissier  said  :  "  For  my  part.  Monsieur 
le  Maréchal,  I  am  delighted  to  affirm  that  no  star  ever 
shone  so  brilliantly  as  that  of  the  Emperor.     This 


52  TUE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

peace  signed  above  the  cradle  of  a  child  is  a  most 
fortunate  omen.  If  the  Emperor  and  the  Empress 
will  kindly  accept  them  I  beg  you  to  offer  the 
respectful  congratulations  of  the  army  and  my 
own." 

The  Russians  and  the  French  had  become  real 
friends,  true  brethren  in  arms.  One  might  have 
thought  they  had  been  fighting  on  the  same  side 
during  the  war  instead  of  against  each  other.  April 
13,  General  Luders,  the  Russian  commander-in-chief, 
went  to  meet  the  commanders-in-chief  of  the  allied 
troops  on  the  bridge  of  Traktir,  and  led  them  to  the 
heights  whence  they  witnessed  a  review  of  ten  thou- 
sand men  on  the  Makenzie  plateau.  After  the  re- 
view he  offered  them  a  banquet. 

As  a  response  to  this  courtesy  Marshal  Pélissier  and 
General  Codrington,  the  new  commander-in-chief  of 
the  English  army,  invited  General  Luders  to  a  bril- 
liant review.  This  took  place  April  17,  1856,  on  a 
particularly  fine  day.  The  French  army,  with  the 
redoubt  of  the  Balaclava  Pass  on  its  right,  its  centre 
on  the  height  of  the  monastery  of  St.  George,  and  its 
left  towards  Karatch,  presented  a  line  of  battle  more 
than  twelve  thousand  yards  in  length.  There  were 
in  all  one  hundred  battalions  of  infantry  in  massed  bat- 
talions, thirty  squadrons  of  artillery,  and  one  hundred 
and  ninety-eight  cannon,  in  all  fifty-five  thousand 
French  soldiers.  "The  Emperor,"  wrote  Marshal 
Pélissier,  "  would  have  been  delighted,  as  I  was  my- 
self, at  the  fine  appearance  and  martial  bearing  of 


THE  SPRING   OF  1856  53 

our  soldiers,  to  whom  I  had  made  known  that  very 
day  the  rewards  of  which  His  Majesty  kindly  author- 
ized the  bestowal  in  his  name." 

Now  listen  to  an  eye-witness,  General  Fay  :  "  Mar- 
shal Pélissier,"  says  he  in  his  remarkable  and  inter- 
esting Souvenirs  of  the  Crimean  War,  "did  the 
honors  to  General  Luders  of  those  magnificent  troops 
which  he  had  so  bravely  fought,  and  who,  notwith- 
standing their  worn  and  patched  uniforms,  were  as 
presentable  as  on  a  parade  day  in  garrison.  A  con- 
siderable group  of  officers  of  all  arms  who  were  gal- 
loping in  the  rear  of  the  commanders-in-chief  looked 
extremely  picturesque.  The  French  flags,  blackened 
by  powder  and  torn  by  Russian  projectiles,  one  after 
another  bowed  to  the  general,  once  our  enemy,  to-day 
our  guest,  saluting  him  with  respect  and  applauding 
those  who  had  rescued  from  the  fight  nothing  but  the 
flagstaff  and  some  tatters.  After  the  defile,  the  Eng- 
lish army,  amounting  to  some  thirty  thousand  men, 
admirably  disciplined,  were  in  turn  presented  by 
General  Codrington  to  the  Russian  commander-in- 
chief." 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE   INUNDATIONS 

A  S  if  to  furnish  a  pendant  to  the  luminous  spring 
tableau  of  1856,  disastrous  news  reached  Paris 
on  the  last  day  of  May.  The  Rhone  had  overflowed 
both  its  banks,  and  at  Lj^ons  the  quarters  which 
divided  it  from  the  Saône  were  under  water,  as  the 
Brotteaux,  the  Guillotière,  and  all  the  surrounding 
country  were  likewise  on  the  opposite  shore.  It  was 
learned  the  next  day  that  several  quarters  of  the  city 
were  in  danger  of  total  ruin  ;  that  the  valley  of  Grési- 
vaudan  beyond  Grenoble  had  disappeared  from  view; 
that  the  plain  of  Vaucluse  was  partly  submerged; 
that  at  Aix  the  floods  were  beating  against  the  fau- 
bourg of  Trinquetaille,  while  beyond  the  Camargue 
they  had  swelled  into  the  likeness  of  an  immense 
lake.  On  hearing  this,  the  Emperor  left  Saint-Cloud 
at  once  to  direct  in  person  the  assistance  given  to 
the  sufferers  from  the  inundations.  He  was  accom- 
panied by  his  aide-de-camp.  General  Niel,  General 
Fleury  his  first  equerry,  M.  Rouher,  Minister  of 
Public  Works,  M.  Franqueville,  Director  of  Roads 
and  Bridges,  Captain  de  Pu3'ségur,  orderl}-  officer, 
and  four  troopers  belonging  to  the  hundred-guards. 

64 


THE  INUNDATIONS  55 

June  1.  Napoleon  leaves  Saint-Cloud  and  sleeps  at 
Dijon. 

June  2.  He  and  his  suite,  in  uniform,  reach  Lyons 
at  half-past  ten  in  the  morning,  and  are  received  at 
the  railway  station  by  Marshal  de  Castellane  and 
Senator  Vaisse,  in  charge  of  the  department.  He 
breakfasts  at  the  Hôtel  de  l'Europe.  He  mounts  his 
horse  at  half-past  eleven.  Two  gendarmes,  followed 
by  eight  di-agoons  under  the  orders  of  a  quarter- 
master, with  an  aide-de-camp  of  Marshal  de  Castel- 
lane at  their  head,  precede  the  sovereign.  He  crosses 
the  rue  Impériale,  the  Morand  bridge,  the  Charpennes, 
the  Brotteaux,  and  the  Guillotière.  Surrounded  by 
some  sixty  thousand  workmen,  who,  with  their  wives 
and  children,  had  been  the  victims  of  this  scourge, 
himself  pale  with  emotion,  the  Emperor  distributes 
uncounted  money  from  two  saddlebags  in  a  kindly 
manner  which  touches  the  hearts  of  all.  La^àshing 
words  of  consolation  and  encouragement  also,  he 
visits  the  breaches  made  in  the  two  dikes  of  the 
Rhone,  and  fords  the  roads  where  they  are  under 
water.  Everywhere  he  is  greeted  with  applause.  As 
he  passes  the  air  resounds  with  shouts  of  "  Long  live 
the  Emperor  !  Long  live  the  Empress  !  Long  live 
the  Prince  Imperial  !  Long  live  the  Father  of  his 
people."  According  to  Marshal  de  Castellane  it  was 
an  ovation  without  a  parallel. 

At  half-past  three  Napoleon  III.  repairs  to  the 
camp  of  Sathonay,  with  which  he  seems  satisfied. 
He  dines  at  the  Hôtel  de  l'Europe.     Every  time  he 


56  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

goes  to  tlie  window  before  dinner  he  is  greeted  by 
thunders  of  applause. 

June  3.  The  Emperor  leaves  Lyons  for  Valence 
and  Avignon.  He  stops  on  the  way  at  the  towns 
which  have  suffered  most.  Valence  is  inundated. 
He  arrives  at  the  mayor's  office  on  the  back  of  a 
porter.  As  the  railway  between  Orange  and  Avignon 
is  cut  off  by  the  floods,  he  gets  into  a  wretched  boat, 
half  staved  in,  and  thus  crosses  a  veritable  lake 
which  covers  the  plain  as  far  as  eye  can  see.  He 
is  on  a  level  with  the  roofs  of  farmhouses  scattered 
along  the  riverbanks,  and  the  oars  occasionally  strike 
the  tops  of  fruit  trees  hidden  from  view  by  the  waters. 
Toward  three  o'clock  he  is  received  at  the  gates  of 
Avignon  by  the  flotilla  of  the  city  authorities  coming 
to  meet  him.  He  enters  the  city  on  a  boat  so  small 
that  there  is  room  for  no  one  else  except  the  mayor 
and  the  boatman. 

General  Fleury,  an  eye-witness,  shall  describe  the 
scene  :  "  The  sights  along  the  road  had  been  painful 
enough  already-,  but  when  we  reached  Avignon  and 
saw  the  quarters  where  the  houses  were  under  water 
as  high  as  the  first  story,  and  still  others  where 
nothing  was  visible  but  a  multitude  of  roofs,  they 
became  still  more  distressing.  Women  with  children 
in  their  arms  were  crying.  Men,  inert  and  power- 
less to  struggle  against  flood  and  ruin,  looked  like 
images  of  woe.  The  Emperor,  greatly  affected, 
stood  up  in  his  boat  and  gave  money  by  handfuls 
to  these  unfortunates,  who  blessed  the  prince  who 


THE  INUNDATIONS  57 

came  at  the  risk  of  his  life  to  share  their  dangers  and 
their  affliction." 

At  six  in  the  evening,  after  visiting  Tarascon,  the 
Emperor  leaves  for  Aries  by  the  railway.  On  reach- 
ing the  city  he  goes  to  the  Arènes  tower  in  order 
to  get  a  bird's-eye  view  of  the  extent  of  the  disaster. 
He  sleeps  at  Aries. 

June  4.  He  leaves  Aries  to  return  to  Lyons  by 
way  of  Avignon,  Mortemart,  and  Valence.  Every- 
where he  is  received  with  popular  acclamations. 
Everywhere  he  is  affected  by  the  sight  of  towns, 
villages,  and  country  places  in  distress,  harvests 
destroyed,  houses  cracked,  submerged,  thrown  down. 
And  everywhere  he  distributes  abundant  largesses, 
and  stimulates  the  zeal  of  officials,  the  courage  of 
soldiers,  and  the  devotion  of  all  the  citizens  by  his 
example.  On  reaching  Lyons,  towards  the  close 
of  the  day,  he  reviews  the  troops  under  the  com- 
mand of  Marshal  de  Castellane.  They  greet  him 
with  an  enthusiasm  shared  by  the  entire  population, 
who  shout,  "Long  live  the  benefactor  of  the  peo- 
ple !  "     At  eight  o'clock  he  leaves  Lyons  for  Paris. 

June  6.  Arriving  at  Paris  at  seven  in  the  morning 
he  goes  at  once  to  Saint-Cloud.  An  address  from 
the  city  of  Lyons  is  waiting  for  him  there.  It  is 
worded  as  follows:  "Sire,  it  was  in  your  heart  that 
you  found  the  happy  inspiration  to  visit  the  scene  of 
our  sufferings.  Not  long  ago  you  told  the  Lyonese 
to  love  you.  Now  you  come  to  constrain  them  to  do 
so.     You  have  gained  the  coldest  hearts  ;  one  cannot 


58  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

walk  a  step  in  our  streets  without  hearing  blessings 
on  your  name,  without  being  moved  by  the  touching 
expressions  inspired  by  gratitude  in  the  unfortunate 
and  by  admiration  in  all.  These  prayers  will  be 
granted,  Sire  ;  Heaven  will  continue  to  inspire  you 
with  great  and  generous  thoughts,  and  will  reward 
you  in  the  imperial  child  whom  it  has  given  to 
France." 

That  very  day,  on  entering  Saint-Cloud,  the  Em- 
peror learns  that  the  same  scourge  which  had  afflicted 
the  dwellers  b}^  the  Rhone  had  likewise  stricken 
those  beside  the  Loire  ;  that  the  river  had  overflowed 
at  Orleans  and  Amboise,  and  that  at  Tours  immense 
disasters  had  followed  the  simultaneous  rise  of  the 
Loire  and  the  Cher.  Without  hesitating  for  an 
instant,  he  sets  off  the  next  day  to  do  for  those 
regions  what  he  had  just  done  for  those  of  the  south 
of  France. 

Ju7ie  6.  The  Emperor  leaves  Saint-Cloud  in  the 
morning  to  carry  assistance  and  consolation  to  the 
inundated  people  of  the  Loire.  Accompanied  by 
M.  Rouher,  General  Niel  and  General  Fleury,  he 
visits  Orleans,  Blois,  and  Tours.  The  streets  of  the 
latter  city  were  so  filled  with  water  that  they  re- 
sembled the  lagunes  of  Venice.  The  sovereign's 
presence  produced  a  profound  impression  and  his 
unexpected  arrival  in  each  city  inspired  equal  grati- 
tude and  surprise. 

Evoking  the  memory  of  the  excursions  when  he 
had  the  honor  of  accompanying  his  master.  General 


TRE  INUNDATIONS  59 

Fleuiy  speaks  in  his  Memoirs  of  the  fidelity  ^vith 
which  Napoleon  HI.  carried  assistance  to  his  sub- 
jects. "I  always  recur  with  emotion,"  he  says,  "to 
the  circumstances  of  those  bold  and  generous  ex- 
tremities to  which  the  Emperor  would  resort  when 
it  was  a  question  of  exposing  his  life  and  distributing 
his  benefactions.  It  was  not  the  search  for  an  idle 
popularity  which  moved  him.  What  prince  was 
more  popular  than  he  at  that  period?  No;  it  was 
the  love  of  goodness,  it  was  the  impulse  of  his  heart 
which  guided  him." 

Jujie  7.  In  the  evening  Napoleon  III.  returned 
to  the  château  of  Saint-Cloud.  He  embraced  most 
affectionately  the  child  who  was  to  be  baptized  at 
Notre  Dame  seven  days  later. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE  BAPTISM   OF   THE   PRINCE  IMPERIAL 

Saturday^  June  14,  1856.  The  Parisians  began 
their  holiday  at  dawn.  Their  numbers  increased  by- 
more  than  three  hundred  thousand  visitors  from  the 
provinces  and  foreign  parts,  they  thronged  the  squares 
and  streets  through  which  the  imperial  procession 
was  to  pass.  Flagstaffs  had  been  set  up  on  the 
parvis  of  Notre  Dame,  from  which  waved  banners 
with  the  arms  of  the  Empire.  Sanded,  and  strewn 
with  foliage  and  flowers,  this  open  space  presented 
a  magnificent  appearance.  A  grand  porch  had  been 
constructed  outside  of  the  cathedral. 

The  baptism  of  the  Prince  Imperial  was  not  to  be 
celebrated  until  six  o'clock  in  the  evening.  Some 
hours  earlier  the  four  thousand  invited  guests,  among 
whom  I  was  one,  wearing  for  the  first  time  my 
diplomatic  uniform,  entered  the  resplendent  basilica. 
I  recall  the  impression  of  giddy  surprise,  the  half- 
fantastic,  half-religious  effect  which  it  produced,  fully 
illuminated  in  broad  daylight,  its  arches  painted  then 
in  tender  blue,  sprinkled  with  golden  stars,  its  hang- 
ings of  red  velvet,  its  ceiling  covered  with  innumer- 
able bees,  from  the  height  of  which  descended  all 

60 


THE  BAPTISM  OF  THE  PBINCE  IMPERIAL      61 

along  the  columns  the  escutcheons  of  the  great  cities. 
The  men  were  all  in  uniform,  and  the  women  in 
evening  dress,  with  lace  veils  attached  to  their  head- 
dresses and  falling  back  on  their  uncovered  shoul- 
ders. At  the  back  of  the  choir,  illuminated  by 
thousands  of  candles,  a  burning  focus  of  light  like 
melting  gold  shimmered  over  the  platform,  where 
were  assembled  all  the  archbishops  and  bishops  of 
the  Empire  with  their  crosiers,  mitres,  and  pontifical 
vestments. 

Half-past  four.  The  Pope's  Legate,  Cardinal  Pa- 
trizzi,  leaves  the  Tuileries  in  a  carriage  drawn  by 
eight  horses.  As  he  is  the  personal  representative 
of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff,  he  receives  the  same  honors 
as  are  paid  the  Holy  Father.  He  is  met  at  the  entry 
of  the  church  by  the  Archbishop  of  Paris,  preceded 
by  his  chapter,  the  musicians  the  while  executing 
the  motet:   TIiou  art  Peter. 

Five  o'cloch.  The  Emperor,  the  Empress,  and  the 
Prince  Imperial  leave  the  Tuileries  to  repair  to  Notre 
Dame.  Cavalry  are  massed  on  the  Place  de  la  Con- 
corde. The  double  row  formed  by  the  national  and 
the  imperial  guards  extends  the  whole  length  of  the 
procession,  which  follows  this  route  :  the  garden  of 
the  Tuileries,  the  Place  de  la  Concorde,  the  rue  de 
Rivoli,  the  Place  de  l'Hôtel  de  Ville,  the  bridge  and 
rue  of  Areola,  and  the  Place  de  Notre  Dame. 

Six  o'clock.  Amid  the  noise  of  cannon  and  shout- 
ing the  procession  reaches  the  parvis  of  Notre  Dame. 
This  has  been  sanded  so  thickly  that  the  eight  horses 


62  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

are  unable  to  drag  the  heavy  imperial  carriage  any- 
further,  and  it  becomes  necessary  for  the  footmen  to 
put  their  shoulders  to  the  wheels.  Alighting  at  the 
principal  portal,  the  Emperor  and  the  Empress  are 
received  by  the  Archbishop  of  Paris,  who  offers  them 
holy  water.  After  kissing  the  cross,  they  are  con- 
ducted to  their  kneeling-desks  under  a  canopy  sup- 
ported by  canons.  The  ladies  of  the  palace  who  have 
been  appointed  to  carry  the  sacramentals  of  baptism, 
approach  the  table  on  which  they  have  been  laid,  and 
receive  them  from  an  assistant  master  of  ceremonies, 
in  the  following  order:  the  candle  is  given  to  the 
Countess  de  Montebello,  the  chrisom-cloth  to  the 
Baroness  de  Malaret,  the  salt-cellar  to  the  Marquise 
de  Latour-Marbourg  ;  those  pertaining  to  the  func- 
tions of  the  godparents,  the  basin,  the  ewer,  and  the 
napkin,  to  the  Countess  de  Labédoyère,  the  Countess 
de  Rayneval,  and  Madame  de  Saulcy,  respectively. 
I  follow  the  details  of  the  ceremony  with  extreme 
attention.  In  the  middle  of  the  transept  a  platform 
surrounded  by  a  balustrade  had  been  erected  open- 
ing toward  the  nave.  On  this  an  altar  raised  three 
steps  higher  than  its  floor  had  been  placed  at  the  en- 
trance of  the  sanctuary,  opposite  which,  and  at  the 
same  elevation,  was  the  throne  of  Their  Majesties  with 
a  kneeling-desk  ;  the  baptismal  font,  two  steps  lower, 
stood  between  the  throne  and  the  altar.  It  is  said 
that  the  baptismal  vase,  which  is  made  of  damaskeened 
copper,  in  the  Persian  style  of  the  twelfth  century,  was 
brought  back  from  the  Crusades  by  Saint  Louis  to 


THE  BAPTISM  OF  THE  PRINCE  IMPERIAL      63 

serve  as  a  baptismal  font  for  the  children  of  that  pious 
king.  The  throne  of  the  Cardinal-Legate,  two  steps 
higher  than  the  platform,  faced  both  the  altar  and 
the  throne.  In  the  middle  of  the  sanctuary,  behind 
the  Legate's  throne,  were  seats  for  the  archbishops  and 
bishops  ;  a  little  to  the  left  of  the  gospel  side,  on  the 
platform,  an  armchair  for  the  Archbishop  of  Paris 
and  stools  for  the  titular  members  of  the  metropolitan 
chapter.  To  right  and  left  of  the  sovereigns'  throne 
were  ranged  the  chairs  and  hassocks  intended  for  the 
Prince  Imperial,  carried  by  the  governess  of  the  chil- 
dren of  France,  and  for  the  Dowager  Grand  Duchess 
of  Baden,  representing  the  Queen  of  Sweden,  Prince 
Oscar  (now  reigning  in  Sweden  as  Oscar  IL),  and  the 
princes  and  princesses  of  the  Emperor's  family.  On 
the  epistle  side  of  the  altar  w^ere  chairs  for  the  cardi- 
nals. 

Napoleon  III.  and  the  Empress  reach  their  throne 
overhung  by  a  dais  with  hangings  of  purple  velvet 
lined  with  ermine,  and  kneel  down  at  their  desk. 
The  Cardinal-Legate  goes  to  the  foot  of  the  altar  to 
intone  the  Te  Deum,  which  is  executed  by  tlie  orches- 
tra. Meanwhile  the  ladies  bearing  the  sacramentals 
lay  them  on  the  credence-tables  near  the  altar.  The 
Te  Beum  ended,  the  Legate  proceeded  to  the  cere- 
monies of  solemn  baptism,  after  which  the  governess 
remitted  the  Prince  Imperial  to  the  hands  of  tlie 
Emperor.  A  master  of  ceremonies  advanced  to  the 
middle  of  the  choir  and  cried  three  times  :  Long  live 
the  Prince  Imperial  !     Standing  with  his  son  in  his 


64  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOXD  EMPIRE 

arms,  Napoleon  III.,  with  a  gesture  very  expressive 
of  joy  and  tenderness,  showed  him  to  the  spectators, 
the  orchestra  playing  meanwhile  the  Vivat  composed 
by  Lesueur  for  the  baptism  of  the  King  of  Rome,  and 
the  shouts  of  the  audience  re-echoing  beneath  the 
venerable  arches.  Then  the  little  prince  was  taken 
back  to  the  Tuileries  in  a  carriage  drawn  by  eight 
horses,  preceded  by  a  squadron  of  guides.  The  Car- 
dinal-Legate intoned  the  Te  Beum  and  the  Domine 
salvum  fac  Imperatorem,  and  then  gave  the  Papal 
benediction,  which  concluded  the  ceremony.  The 
Archbishop  of  Paris  preceded  by  the  metropolitan 
chapter  reconducted  the  Emperor  and  Empress  to 
the  door  of  the  church.  Their  Majesties  entered  the 
grand  carriage,  crossed  the  Areola  bridge,  made  their 
appearance  on  the  Place  magnificently  decorated  by 
the  architect  Ballard,  and  went  to  the  Hôtel  de  Ville 
to  be  present  at  a  banquet  offered  them  by  the 
Municipal  Council. 

Eight  o'cloclc.  The  banquet  took  place  in  the 
great  dining  hall.  All  the  high  dignitaries  of  the 
State,  as  well  as  the  bishops  and  archbishops,  were 
included  in  the  four  hundred  guests.  Their  jNIa- 
jesties,  surrounded  by  princes  and  princesses,  sat  at  a 
raised  table  from  which  all  the  other  tables  could  be 
seen.  While  dinner  was  going  on  various  pieces  of 
music  and  cantatas  were  performed.  The  salons  of 
the  Hôtel  de  Ville  were  splendidly  illuminated. 
The  ovations  of  the  day  were  to  be  renewed  at  night. 
For  the  return  drive  General  Fleury  had  substituted 


TEE  BAPTISM  OF  THE  PRINCE  IMPEEIAL      65 

demi-gala  travelling  carriages, — green,  that  is  to  say, 
with  the  underframe  gilded, — drawn  by  six  horses 
instead  of  eight.  "  The  return  having  to  be  made  at 
a  trot,"  he  says  in  his  Memoirs,  "  these  were  the  only 
sort  possible.  Still,  nothing  could  be  more  richly 
elegant  than  these  berlins  with  plate-glass  windows, 
lighted  from  within  and  displaying  the  Empress  and 
princesses  resplendent  with  diamonds,  to  the  admira- 
tion of  the  crowd.  These  berlins,  with  four  lanterns, 
driven  by  gigantic  coachmen  and  with  four  footmen 
behind,  and  drawn  by  immense  horses,  could  vie  on 
equal  terms  with  gilded  state  carriages,  moving  at 
a  measured  pace,  and  advancing  magisterially  as  if 
in  a  theatrical  representation."  Shouts  resounded 
all  along  the  passage  of  the  happy  father  and 
mother. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  BAPTISMAL  FESTIVITIES 

OUNDAY,  June  15,  1856,  was  devoted  to  public 
^^  rejoicings.  At  six  in  the  morning  salvos  of 
artillery  from  the  Invalides  announced  the  beginning 
of  the  festivities.  Free  representations  were  given 
at  one  o'clock  at  the  Opéra,  the  Théâtre  Français, 
the  Odéon,  and  the  Opéra-Comique.  Between  two 
and  four,  on  the  Esplanade  of  the  Invalides,  four 
open-air  theatres  played  military  pieces  and  panto- 
mimes ;  three  hundred  balloons  ascended,  scattering 
as  they  rose  the  christening  sugar-plums.  A  similar 
programme  was  carried  out  at  the  barrier  of  the 
Throne.  One  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  com- 
memorative medals,  bearing  on  one  side  the  double 
effigies  of  the  Emperor  and  the  Empress  and  on  the 
other  that  of  the  Son  of  France,  were  sent  to  the 
pupils  of  the  lyceums,  colleges,  and  orphan  asjdums, 
and  to  the  officers,  subalterns,  and  soldiers  of  the 
army  of  Paris.  Fifty  thousand  bags  of  bonbons 
were  distributed  among  the  children  of  the  com- 
munal schools,  and  Napoleon  III.  signed  number- 
less pardons  for  civil  and  militar}^  prisoners  under 
sentence. 

6(3 


THE  BAPTISMAL   FESTIVITIES  61 

The  night  was  given  up  to  fireworks  and  illumina- 
tions in  every  quarter.  The  most  notable  took  place 
in  front  of  the  Corps  Législatif,  the  Emperor  and 
the  Empress  being  present  under  the  colonnade  of 
the  Ministry  of  Marine.  At  a  quarter  past  nine  the 
Empress  gave  the  signal  for  a  magnificent  piece  of 
fireworks  representing  a  Gothic  baptistry.  When  it 
ended  by  the  apparition  of  flaming  cascades  the  air 
rang  with  applause.  The  crowd  was  so  compact 
that  the  sovereigns  were  obliged  to  remain  at  the 
Ministry  until  eleven  o'clock  before  they  could  get 
back  to  the  Tuileries.  The  people,  however,  were  in 
ecstasies  all  night  over  the  illuminations.  Those  of 
Saint- Jacques  tower,  the  Hôtel  de  Ville  and  its  neigh- 
borhood, excited  especial  admiration.  The  Avenue 
Victoria  was  transformed  into  a  vast  garden,  with 
sanded  walks,  fountains,  reservoirs,  cascades,  and 
French  and  foreign  flowers.  Several  large  boats, 
draped  and  illuminated  and  carrying  military  bands 
in  full  swing,  furrowed  the  Seine  between  the  Pont 
Royal  and  the  Pont  de  la  Concorde.  The  weather 
harmonized  superbly  with  this  night  of  enchantments. 

On  Monday,  June  16,  Their  Majesties  were  present 
with  the  princes  and  princesses  at  a  grand  ball  at  the 
Hôtel  de  Ville.  The  Cardinal-Legate  was  present 
for  a  time  before  dancing  began.  After  presenting 
his  respects  to  Their  Majesties  he  withdrew,  and  the 
ball  opened  with  a  quadrille  of  honor  in  which  the 
Emperor  danced  with  the  Baroness  Haussmann  and 
the  Empress  with  the  Prefect. 


68  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 


On  Thursday,  June  19,  the  ceremony  of  present- 
ing the  Empress  with  the  golden  rose  took  place  in 
the  chapel  of  the  château  of  Saint-Cloud.  During 
the  Mass  celebrated  by  Cardinal  Patrizzi,  Legate 
a  latere  of  the  Pope,  the  golden  rose  was  laid  on  the 
gospel  side  of  the  altar.  After  the  Mass,  the  Legate 
seated  himself  in  an  armchair  in  front  of  the  altar, 
opposite  Their  Majesties.  One  of  the  prelates  of  his 
suite,  Mgr.  Monaco  Lavalette,  read  in  a  loud  voice 
the  pontifical  brief  conferring  on  the  Cardinal  the 
necessary  powers  for  remitting  the  golden  rose  to  the 
Empress  in  place  of  His  Holiness.  This  concluded, 
the  Empress  was  invited  by  the  master  of  ecclesiasti- 
cal ceremonies  to  approach  the  altar,  and  the  rose  was 
presented  by  Cardinal  Patrizzi  with  the  usual  for- 
malities. The  pontifical  gift  consisted  of  a  golden 
rosebush  issuing  from  a  massive  golden  vase  resting 
on  a  socket  of  lapis-lazuli  with  two  bas-reliefs,  one 
representing  the  birth  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  and  the 
other  her  presentation  in  the  Temple,  incrusted  with 
the  arms  of  Pio  Nono  and  Napoleon  IH. 

After  this  ceremony,  at  which  the  Prince  Imperial 
was  present,  the  Cardinal-Legate  presented  the  Em- 
peror in  the  Pope's  name  with  a  fine  picture  in 
mosaic  representing  John  the  Baptist  in  the  Desert, 
after  Guido,  and  for  the  Son  of  France  a  reliquary 
adorned  with  enamels  and  engraved  precious  stones, 
containing  a  relic  of  the  holy  crib. 

Cardinal  Patrizzi  returned  to  Rome  much  pleased 
with  the  reception  he  had  had  in  France.  M.  Sampayo, 


THE  BAPTISMAL  FESTIVITIES  69 

chargé  d'affaires  at  Rome  in  the  absence  of  Count 
de  Rayneval,  wrote  to  Count  Walewski  :  "  Cardinal 
Patrizzi  has  arrived.  I  hastened  to  congratulate  His 
Eminence  on  his  happy  return.  He  expressed  to  me 
in  most  feeling  terms  his  gratitude  for  the  welcome 
with  vfhich  Their  Majesties  deigned  to  honor  him. 
He  has  requested  me  to  beg  Your  Excellency  kindly 
to  present  to  Their  Majesties  his  sentiments  of  re- 
spect and  attachment.  The  reception  given  by  the 
French  clergy  to  His  Eminence,  the  sentiments  of 
devotion  to  the  Holy  See  expressed  by  all  the  bish- 
ops, the  attitude  and  the  earnestness  of  the  faithful 
in  the  churches,  have  deeply  impressed  the  Cardinal. 
He  speaks  to  me  with  admiration  of  our  numerous 
charitable  institutions  and  the  order  and  beneficence 
with  which  they  are  conducted.  From  what  His 
Eminence  says  I  cannot  doubt  that  he  has  given  the 
Holy  Father  a  most  favorable  account  of  the  religious 
situation  in  France.  But  for  that  matter  such  an 
appreciation  could  not  have  been  unexpected  by  His 
Holiness,  whom  some  persons  do  not  scruple  to 
accuse  of  a  too  partial  leaning  towards  the  Church 
of  France." 

June  28,  the  members  of  the  committee  which  had 
organized  the  subscription  in  honor  of  the  Prince 
Imperial's  birth  had  an  audience  at  the  château  of 
Saint-Cloud.  M.  Le  Roy  de  Saint-Ariiaud,  brother 
of  the  Marshal,  and  mayor  of  the  twelfth  ward,  ap- 
proached the  Emperor  and  the  Empress,  who  was 
holding  her  son  in  her  arms.     "  Sire,"  said  he,  "  this 


70  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

humble  sum  of  one  hundred  thousand  francs,  the 
rapid  result  of  adding  centime  to  centime,  is  the  art- 
less symbol  of  these  affectionate  and  loyal  popula- 
tions where  the  individual  is  nothing,  but  where  the 
unanimity  of  sentiments  conceals  treasures  of  love 
and  strength.  .  .  .  May  the  Orphanage  of  the  Prince 
Imperial,  the  noble  inspiration  of  the  Empress,  linked 
to  the  souvenir  of  a  thoroughly  popular  subscription, 
and  enriched  and  perpetuated  by  the  munificence  of 
the  Emperor,  pass  down  the  ages  with  the  Empire 
and  the  dynasty  which  beheld  its  birth  !  " 

Never  had  the  Empress  been  so  happy.  The  radi- 
ant springtime  of  1856  had  brought  her  nothing  but 
joys  and  satisfactions.  It  is  of  this  epoch  that  M.  de 
La  Gorce,  the  eminent  historian  who  has  not  spared 
the  Second  Empire  some  deserved  censure,  has  said  : 
"  Contemporaries  had  at  last  become  convinced,  some 
with  pleasure,  others  with  resignation,  that  the  Na- 
poleonic dynasty  had  assuredly  been  called  to  guide 
French  society  toward  new  shores  and  to  develop 
democracy  while  restraining  it.  .  .  .  The  power  of 
the  Emperor  found  its  completion  in  the  impotence 
of  all  that  was  not  he."  At  this  moment  the  Em- 
press was  aware  of  none  but  favorable  sympathies. 
The  evidences  of  interest  lavished  upon  her  and  her 
son  by  all  classes  of  society  both  at  home  and  abroad, 
charmed  and  reassured  her.  The  benedictions  of  the 
Holy  Father,  her  son's  godfather,  gave  her  confidence 
in  the  future.  With  what  tranquillity,  what  pleasure, 
she  reposed  under  the  leafy  shadows  of  Saint-Cloud, 


THE  BAPTISMAL  FESTIVITIES  71 

her  favorite  residence  I  How  she  would  have  shud- 
dered had  a  prophet  of  misfortune  predicted  to  her 
the  end  of  that  marvellous  palace  and  of  the  pretty 
little  boy  whom  she  led  through  its  alleys  and  under 
its  great  trees  ! 


CHAPTER   IX 

COmîT   DE  MORNY 

~|  TAVING  reached  the  summit  of  his  fortune, 
Napoleon  III.  sought  to  assure  its  success  by 
making  the  Emperor  Alexander  II.  forget  the  un- 
pleasant memories  of  the  Crimean  War,  and  by  ter- 
minating at  St.  Petersburg  the  work  of  pacification 
so  fortunately  begun  at  the  Congress  of  Paris.  He 
had  absolute  need  of  Russia,  whose  benevolent  neu- 
trality, if  not  her  armed  support,  was  indispensable 
to  his  schemes  concerning  Italy,  and  whose  resent- 
ment against  Austria  he  was  anxious  to  exploit. 

General  Fleury  has  written  in  his  Memoirs  :  "  A 
perfectly  natural  occasion  presented  itself  for  the 
offer  of  an  act  of  courtesy.  This  was  to  send  an 
ambassador  to  St.  Petersburg  at  the  time  of  the 
Czar's  coronation.  Count  de  Morny,  the  most  nota- 
ble personage  of  the  Empire,  seemed  foreordained 
to  represent  France  and  Napoleon  III.  Tlie  noto- 
riety attaching  to  his  birth,  his  family  resemblance, 
his  distinguished  manners,  his  experience  of  men, 
the  yei'j  important  part  he  had  plaj'ed  with  so 
much  bluster  on  December  2,  all  contributed  to  put 
him  in  an  exceptional  position  and  concentrate  atten- 

72 


COUNT  DE  MOBNT  73 

tion  on  him."  It  is  certain  that  his  lordly  bearing, 
his  luxurious  and  ostentatious  habits,  his  personal  at- 
tractiveness, fitted  the  president  of  the  Corps  Légis- 
latif marvellously  for  the  task  of  winning  the  good 
graces  of  Alexander  II.  By  a  decree  of  May  8, 
1856,  he  was  appointed  ambassador  extraordinary 
to  the  Emperor  of  all  the  Russias. 

Count  Auguste  de  Morny  was  born  at  Paris, 
October  23,  1811.  He  had  not  been  recognized 
either  by  his  mother,  Queen  Hortense,  or  his  father, 
General  de  Flahaut.  One  Demorny,  an  obscure 
native  of  Auvergne,  had  given  him  a  civil  con- 
dition. He  was  brought  up  by  a  witty  and  intelli- 
gent woman,  Adèle  Filleul,  who  gained  some  literary 
success,  and  married  in  the  first  place  Count  de 
Flahaut,  and  secondly  the  Baron  de  Souza.  Her 
first  husband,  a  victim  of  the  Terror,  perished  on 
the  scaffold  in  1793,  leaving  her  a  son  who  was  a 
general  of  division  and  aide-de-camp  of  the  Emperor 
under  Napoleon  L,  a  peer  of  France  and  ambassador 
at  Vienna  under  Louis  Philippe,  and  under  Napoleon 
III.  senator  and  ambassador  at  London. 

The  widow  of  Count  de  Flahaut  married  in  1802 
the  Baron  de  Souza,  a  Portuguese  diplomat  and 
literary  man,  who,  after  representing  the  court  of 
Lisbon  in  Sweden  and  subsequently  in  Denmark, 
was  at  that  time  minister  of  Portugal  at  Paris, 
where  he  died  in  1825.  The  Baroness  de  Souza 
published  several  successful  novels,  collected  in  six 
volumes  in   1822.     Elegantly  simple  in   style,  they 


74  THE   COURT   OF  THE   SECOyi)   EMPIRE 

chiefly  depict  the  upper  classes  of  society,  —  those 
in  which  the  Count  de  Morny  was  destined  to  shine. 
From  his  infancy  he  had  heen  remarkable  for  the 
vivacity  of  his  intelligence  ;  so  much  so  that  Prince 
Talleyrand  said  of  him  :  "  This  little  man  will  be 
a  minister  some  day." 

Having  made  a  successful  course  of  studies  at  the 
Bourbon  College,  young  de  Morny  embraced  the 
military  career.  Leaving  the  Staff  School  in  1832, 
he  entered  the  1st  regiment  of  lancers  as  a  sub- 
lieutenant. Finding  no  social  distractions  while  in 
garrison  at  Fontainebleau,  he  set  himself  seriously 
to  work.  The  Baroness  de  Souza  said  at  the  time 
to  Sainte-Beuve  :  "  You  have  seen  the  young  man  in 
\vhose  future  I  take  so  much  interest  ;  what  sort  of 
books  do  you  suppose  he  selects  for  his  reading? 
Do  you  think  he  reads  novels,  fugitive  verses,  agree- 
able memoirs,  Voltaire's  stories?  He  prefei"s  meta- 
physics and  theology  to  that  sort  of  thing." 

The  Count  de  Morny  distinguished  himself  in 
Africa  under  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  who  showed 
him  gre?.t  kindness.  He  made  the  campaign  of 
Mascara  under  General  Changarnier,  and  the  first 
campaign  of  Constantine,  where  he  was  wounded. 
Having  been  mentioned  several  times  in  the  bulle- 
tins, he  received  the  cross  of  the  Legion  of  Honor 
for  having  saved  the  life  of  General  Trezel. 

M.  de  Morn}^  had  gained  in  Africa  the  reputation 
of  a  brave  and  deserving  officer.  But  for  him  the 
army  was   but   the   prelude    to  social   and   political 


COUNT  de  MORNY 


COUNT  DE  MOItNY  75 

life.  He  resigned  his  commission  in  1838,  and  went 
to  Paris,  where  the  dandy  and  the  man  of  business 
replaced  the  officer.  He  had  once  been  in  garrison 
at  Clermont-Ferrand,  where  he  had  made  friends, 
and  where  he  now  found  the  source  of  his  private 
fortune  and  that  of  his  political  rise.  He  bought  a 
beet-sugar  manufactory  m  the  suburbs  of  the  town, 
and  in  1838  published  a  pamphlet  on  the  question 
of  sugars  which  gained  his  appointment,  at  the  age 
of  twenty-seven,  as  president  of  the  sugar  industry 
commission.  In  1842  he  became  deputy  from  Puy- 
de-Dôme. 

At  this  time  M.  de  Morny  was  an  Orleanist,  and 
did  not  dream  of  the  resurrection  of  the  Empire. 
In  the  Chamber  he  occupied  one  of  the  right  centre 
benches,  and  was  a  very  energetic  supporter  of  M. 
Guizot's  ministry.  He  was  thoroughly  competent  to 
handle  the  commercial  and  industrial  questions  to 
which  he  devoted  himself.  Among  other  reforms 
he  asked  for  small  bank-notes,  and  on  the  subject 
of  the  conversion  of  annuities  offered  a  proposition 
which  afterwards  became  the  basis  of  the  system 
adopted.  He  combined  labor  and  pleasure.  The 
Vicomte  de  La  Guéronnière  thus  describes  him  at 
this  epoch  :  "  At  the  time  when  he  made  his  appear- 
ance in  Parisian  salons,  young  Count  de  iNIorny 
was  a  medley  of  militarism  and  pure  and  keen  in- 
telligence, of  positivism  and  careless  unconcern,  of 
good  sense  and  chivalric  audacity,  of  English  stiff- 
ness  and   French   politeness,  of  serious   tastes   and 


76  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

light  ones,  of  the  man  of  business  and  the  artist. 
Brought  up  in  a  social  circle  both  elegant  and  dis- 
tinguished, feeling  his  own  power,  haughty  without 
pride,  confident  without  presumption,  ambitious  with- 
out egotism,  shrewd  but  not  crafty,  amiable  without 
levity,  learned  without  pretence,  firm  Avithout  rude- 
ness, he  had  every  quality  needful  for  success."  A 
friend  of  the  Orleans  princes,  he  had  created  a  very 
brilliant  position  for  himself  both  at  court  and  in 
the  city.  He  showed  his  political  sense  at  the  be- 
ginning of  1848,  predicting  but  too  surely  the  com- 
ing storm.  In  January  he  published  an  essay  in  the 
Revue  des  Deux  Mondes  in  which  the  imminent  dan- 
gers of  the  social  question  were  pointed  out  with 
singular  perspicacity,  and  in  February  he  made  the 
most  laudable  efforts  to  bring  about  a  reconciliation 
between  the  Opposition  and  the  Ministry.  His  ef- 
forts were  fruitless,  but,  as  a  convinced  partisan  of 
the  July  monarchy  he  had  neglected  nothing  which 
might  prevent  parliamentary  agitation  from  degener- 
ating into  revolution. 

When  the  revolution  of  February  broke  out  Count 
de  Morny  had  never  had  any  sort  of  communication 
with  Louis  Napoleon.  It  was  only  after  the  death 
of  Queen  Hortense,  when  examining  the  letters  and 
papers  she  had  left  at  the  château  of  Arenenberg, 
that  the  Prince  became  aware  of  a  filiation  which 
caused  him  the  most  painful  surprise.  The  future 
Emperor  saw  Count  de  Morny  for  the  first  time  in 
London,  in   1848,  but   the  breadth   of  his  political 


COUNT  DE  MOBNT  11 

views  struck  him  at  once.  From  that  day  he  re- 
solved to  make  him  at  some  time  one  of  his  principal 
collaborators  and  a  great  dignitary  of  his  empire. 
Courteous  relations  were  established  between  the 
brothers,  but  these  never  assumed  the  form  of  cordial 
familiarity.     Each  kept  his  distance. 

Elected  as  its  representative  by  the  department  of 
Puy-de-Dôme  in  1849,  Count  de  Morny  maintained  a 
conservative  policy  in  the  Assembly.  Minister  of  the 
Interior,  December  2,  1851,  the  part  he  took  in  the 
coup  d'État  is  well  known.  Although  he  resigned 
January  23,  1852,  in  consequence  of  the  confiscation 
of  the  property  of  the  Orleans  family,  he  speedily 
returned  to  favor.  Elected  deputy,  he  was  made 
president  of  the  Corps  liégislatif  by  the  Emperor  in 
1854,  and  performed  his  new  duties  with  tact  and 
skill.  Magnificently  housed  in  the  palace  of  the 
Presidency,  he  removed  thither  his  fine  gallery  of 
paintings  and  led  a  princely  life. 

General  Fleury  paints  a  portrait  of  him  which  is 
somewhat  less  flattering  than  that  of  the  Vicomte  de 
La  Guéronnière.  It  runs  as  follows  :  "  Taller  and 
more  slender  than  his  master,  Morny  was  better  en- 
dowed physically,  but  had  not  in  so  high  a  degree 
the  gift  to  please  and  charm.  He  received  you  agree- 
ably enough,  but  he  lacked  feeling.  Under  his 
laboriously  gracious  exterior  you  felt  the  sceptic  and 
the  blasé.  Accustomed  to  being  petted,  flattered  by 
a  crowd  of  business  beggars,  it  pleased  him  to  be 
circumspect  whenever  he  found  himself  once  more 


78  TUE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

among  friends  and  well-bred  people  who  made  no  de- 
mands upon  liim.  He  w^as  a  superior  person,  doubt- 
less, under  many  aspects,  but  nobody  could  possibly 
have  called  him  the  best-bred  man  in  France.  Like 
the  Emperor  he  was  calm,  imperturbable,  and  thor- 
oughly energetic,  but  there  was  not  in  his  glance  that 
kindliness,  that  sweetness,  that  penetration  which  ren- 
dered the  Emperor  irresistible  and  fascinated  all  who 
approached  him."  In  spite  of  these  reservations,  Gen- 
eral Fleury  does  full  justice  to  the  eminent  qualities 
of  M.  de  Morny.  His  portrait  terminates  as  follows  : 
"Such  as  he  was,  Morny  was  an  incomparable  man, 
and  his  death  was  a  great  loss  and  detriment  to  both 
the  Emperor  and  the  country." 

When  we  have  to  speak  of  a  political  man  we  like 
to  invoke  the  testimony  of  those  of  his  contempo- 
raries who  beheld  him  close  at  hand.  This  is  why 
we  cite  the  following  extract  from  the  journal  of 
M.  Pinard  :  "  Whether  at  the  private  dinners  of  M. 
Benoit-Champy  (president  of  the  civil  tribunal  of  the 
Seine)  or  the  grand  receptions  of  the  Palais-Bour- 
bon, M.  de  Morny,  however  different  his  surround- 
ings, always  seemed  to  me  like  a  superior  person 
taking  the  measure  of  his  epoch  and  forcing  the 
democrats  to  accept  him.  Really  I  ought  to  say  that 
the  democrats  sought  him  more  than  he  did  them, 
and  that  they  endeavored  to  do  him  credit  and  in- 
crease his  renown.  Everywhere  at  his  ease,  because 
he  was  always  conscious  of  his  importance,  he  was 
never   in   a   passion,    much  less  intimidated.     More 


COUNT  DE  MOENY  79 

affable  with  his  inferiors  than  with  his  peers,  his 
attitude  towards  his  adversaries  had  in  it  a  suspicion 
of  disdain  rather  than  of  pride.  You  felt  that  he 
could  raise  his  voice  but  would  not.  Stupid  people 
did  not  perceive  this  disdain,  but  the  clear-sighted 
understood  it,  and  that  sufficed  him.  Nobody  could 
preserve  his  dignity  with  less  effort." 

M.  de  Morny  has  been  greatly  blamed  for  occupy- 
ing himself  too  much  with  business  and  financial 
speculations.  On  this  head  M.  Pinard  makes  the 
following  reflections  :  "  The  only  point  I  am  willing 
to  point  out  in  the  brilliant  and  diversified  career  of 
M.  de  Morny  —  and  this  fault  was  serious  —  is  that 
of  driving  politics  and  business  abreast,  four-in-hand, 
so  to  say.  A  substitute  in  the  first  chamber  of  the 
civil  tribunal  of  the  Seine,  I  heard  his  name  very 
often  when  the  list  of  trials  was  called  at  the  open- 
ing of  the  session.  M.  Mathieu,  whom  I  was  after- 
ward to  meet  in  the  Coi'ps  Législatif  and  at  the  bar, 
was  his  lawyer,  and  I  said  to  him  one  day  as  we  were 
leaving  the  palace  :  '  A  man  in  M.  de  Morny 's  posi- 
tion ought  neither  to  gain  suits  nor  to  lose  them  ;  he 
ought  not  to  have  any.'  Still,  there  was  an  extenu- 
ating circumstance  in  M.  de  Morny's  case  :  he  had 
been  in  that  line  before  he  became  a  person  of  dis- 
tinction. Having  a  good  deal  of  use  for  money,  he 
turned  his  attention  to  sugar,  manufactures,  and  rail- 
ways. Business  is  a  wheel  within  a  wheel  ;  the 
manufacturer  became  a  speculator.  Too  proud  to 
ask  anything  from  the  Emperor's  generosity,  he  relied 


80  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

on  nobody  but  himself  for  the  fortune  which  had 
become  indispensable.  The  settling  up  of  his  estate 
— a  long  and  arduous  affair  —  revealed  the  secret  of 
his  labors  and  successes.  The  assets  were  large  ;  so 
were  the  liabilities." 

To  sum  up  :  M.  de  Morny,  the  son  of  a  queen  and 
the  son  of  his  own  works,  a  self-made  man,  having 
found  means  to  turn  his  birth,  his  mind,  his  courage, 
and  his  resolute  and  enterprising  character  to  his 
own  advantage,  was  the  type  of  the  modern  and 
aristocratic  statesmen  who  recall  both  the  great 
nobles  of  the  old  régime  and  the  heroes  of  Balzac. 
Demanding  all  possible  brilliancy  and  charm  from 
life,  seeking  money  in  order  to  spend  it  prodigally 
and  with  splendor,  equal  to  any  of  the  experts  as  a 
connoisseur  of  painting,  and  proving  it  by  the  pos- 
session of  a  gallery  of  superb  pictures,  all  bought 
and  selected  by  himself,  fond  of  horse-racing  and 
skilful  in  all  manly  sports,  a  lover  of  literature,  jour- 
nalism, business,  and  politics,  a  composer  in  his  leis- 
ure moments  of  pretty  little  pieces,  initiated  into  the 
secrets  of  all  coulisses,  those  of  the  theatre  and  those 
of  the  Bourse,  a  frequenter  of  salons,  a  clubman,  a 
dilettante,  a  speculator,  a  manufacturer,  a  statesman, 
as  tactful  as  he  was  well  bred,  he  had  a  hand  in 
everything  and  succeeded  in  all.  As  seductive  in 
politics  as  in  love,  as  much  at  ease  in  the  presiden- 
tial chair  of  the  Corps  Législatif  as  in  the  boudoir  of 
a  fine  lady,  and  turning  an  address  to  the  deputies  as 
neatly  as  a  compliment  to  a  pretty  woman,  he  was  in 


COUNT  BE  MORN  Y  81 

all  things,  and  up  to  the  day  of  his  death,  a  successful 
and  much  sought-after  man.  Destiny  granted  him 
its  last  grace  when  it  showed  him  only  the  fortunate 
period  of  a  régime  whose  disasters  he  might  have 
prevented  had  he  lived  but  a  few  years  longer. 

Having  glanced  at  the  man,  let  us  now  consider 
the  ambassador. 


CHAPTER  X 

THE  EMBASSY   TO   ST.   PETERSBURG 

(N  his  way  to  St.  Petersburg  Count  de  Morny 
stopped  at  Wildbad  to  pay  his  respects  to  the 
Dowager  Empress  Alexandra  Feodorovna  (formerly 
Princess  Charlotte  of  Prussia),  sister  of  Frederic 
William  IV.  and  the  Prince  of  Prussia  (the  future 
Emperor  William),  widow  of  Czar  Nicholas  I.  and 
mother  of  Czar  Alexander  II.  Plunged  in  profound 
distress  the  Empress  Dowager,  who  believed  that  the 
vexations  of  the  Crimean  War  were  in  part  account- 
able for  her  husband's  death,  felt  no  great  pleasure  in 
seeing  the  envoy  of  Napoleon  III.  His  reception 
was  polite  but  cold. 

Although  not  ill  pleased  on  the  whole  with  his 
welcome  at  Wildbad,  Count  de  Morny  could  not 
shake  off  a  certain  impression  of  mistrust.  A  few 
haphazard  words,  caught  by  chance  or  repeated  by 
unknown  persons,  gave  him  at  first  a  suspicion  that 
the  existing  friendly  relations  with  France  were  a 
mere  matter  of  convention,  a  prescribed  attitude, 
in  which  confidence  would  easily  be  misplaced.  It 
seemed  to  him  that  German  affinities  remained  much 
as  they  had  been,  and  that  should  the  French  gov- 

82 


THE  EMBASSY  TO   ST.   PETERSBUBG  83 

eminent  afford  the  least  pretext  for  it,  Russia  would 
at  once  renew  every  tie  of  the  old  policy  inimical  to 
France.  "In  passing  through  Germany,"  he  Avrote  to 
Count  Walewski,  "  I  have  been  able  to  ascertain  that 
if  we  are  not  loved  by  a  Russian,  we  are  cordially 
detested  by  a  Russian  grafted  on  a  German."'  This 
first  impression  of  the  ambassador  disappeared  as 
soon  as  he  took  possession  of  his  post. 

Count  de  Morny  arrived  in  St.  Petersburg  during 
the  night  of  August  5,  1856,  and  took  up  his  quar- 
ters at  the  Worensoff-Daschkoff  mansion,  which  he 
had  hired  some  months  earlier.  His  splendid  style  of 
living,  his  horses,  the  gallery  of  pictures  he  brought 
with  him  from  Paris,  at  once  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  both  the  upper  classes  and  the  people.  He 
was  in  luck  from  the  moment  he  made  his  appear- 
ance. The  Austrian  ambassador.  Prince  Esterhazy, 
had  arrived  in  St.  Petersburg  forty-eight  hours  be- 
fore him,  and  in  consequence  should  have  had  his 
audiences  first.  But,  just  as  the  Prince  was  on  the 
point  of  asking  them,  he  discovered  that  he  had 
left  his  credentials  behind  him  at  Vienna,  the  result 
being  that  the  French  ambassador  was  first  received 
and  thus  became  the  dean  of  the  diplomatic  corps. 
This  little  mishap  of  the  representative  of  Francis 
Joseph  amused  Russian  society,  very  badly  disposed 
at  the  time  toward  Austria. 

At  Wildbad  Count  de  Morny  had  found  an  old 
court  still  suffering  under  the  weight  of  recent  afflic- 
tions.    At  St.  Petersburg  he  faced  a  situation  en- 


84  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

tirely  different  :  new  men  and  a  new  policy.  Prince 
Gortcliakoff,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  gave  him  a 
most  cordial  reception.  The  Prince  concealed  nei- 
ther his  tastes  nor  his  aversions.  He  declared  that  he 
had  always  favored  kindly  relations  with  France,  and 
professed  great  admiration  and  personal  sympathy 
for  Napoleon  III.  He  added,  that  he  had  always 
been  grateful  for  the  manner  in  which  Queen  Hor- 
teuse  had  treated  him.  And  he  proved,  in  the  most 
precise  manner,  that  being  very  independent  both  by 
position  and  character,  he  had  consented  to  take  the 
portfolio  of  Foreign  Affairs  only  because  the  views 
of  the  Emperor  Alexander  II.  agreed  entirely  with 
his  own. 

Born  April  17,  1818,  the  Czar  married  a  Hessian 
princess,  April  16,  1840,  who  assumed  in  Russia 
the  name  of  Marie  Alexandrovna.  He  had  succeeded 
his  father,  the  Emperor  Nicholas,  in  1855,  and  from 
the  moment  of  his  accession  had  given  evidence  of 
his  conciliatory  dispositions.  Intractable,  inflexible, 
the  Emperor  Nicholas,  whose  indomitable  energy  and 
extraordinary  tenacity  were  the  mainspring  of  his 
dictatorial  and  imperious  nature,  would  doubtless 
never  have  made  the  concessions  decided  on  by  his 
successor,  and  if  death  had  not  snatched  him  from  the 
struggle  he  was  carrying  on  with  unbending  obsti- 
nacy, he  would  have  resisted  the  four  powers  in- 
definitely, even  though  Austria  had  assisted  them. 
Alexander  II.  adopted  another  polic3^  Anxious  to 
cicatrize    the   wounds    of    the   war,   and   dreaming 


THE  EMBASSY  TO   ST.  PETERSBURG  85 


already  of  the  humanizing  and  civilizing  reforms 
which  were  the  glory  of  his  reign,  he  was  inclined  to 
peace,  and  very  seriously  desired  a  reconciliation  with 
France. 

Count  de  Morny  had  his  audience  August  7,  at 
the  château  of  Peterhof.  The  Czar  came  to  meet 
him,  holding  out  his  hand  with  kindly  condescension. 
"  I  am  delighted  to  see  you  here,"  said  His  Majesty. 
"  Your  presence  marks  the  close  of  a  situation  hap- 
pily ended,  and  one  which  ought  not  to  be  renewed. 
I  am  much  obliged  to  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  and 
will  never  forget  the  friendly  influence  he  has  exer- 
cised on  our  behalf  over  the  entire  body  of  nego- 
tiators. Count  Orloff  has  also  told  me  what  reason 
he  has  to  be  satisfied  with  Count  Walewski,  whom 
I  beg  you  to  thank  for  it." 

The  Russian  sovereign  added  :  "  The  Emperor 
has  a  very  warm  friend  in  Count  Orloiï,  who  has 
come  back  from  Paris  completely  under  his  spell. 
Moreover,  I  would  be  at  a  loss  to  make  you  un- 
derstand how  deeply  I  am  affected  by  the  kindness 
shown  all  the  officers  whom  I  have  sent  to  Paris 
by  the  Emperor  and  the  Empress.  INIy  brother,  the 
Grand  Duke  Michael,  has  just  written  me  from 
Wildbad  that  he  is  enchanted  Avith  a  letter  accom- 
panied by  a  small  model  of  a  twelve-pound  cannon 
which  the  Emperor  has  sent  him  through  M.  Fave. 
I  cannot  sufficiently  assure  you  how  pleased  I  am 
with  all  these  marks  of  renewed  friendship,  and, 
if  the  war  has  any  good  side,  it  is  that  of  showing 


86  TUE   COURT  OF  TUE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

US  what  natural  esteem  and  sympathy  exist  between 
the  two  nations." 

The  ambassador  replied  that  the  Emperor  Napo- 
leon was  of  the  same  mind  as  the  Emperor  Alex- 
ander, and  that  if  he  had  selected  military  men 
who  had  been  in  the  Crimea  as  attachés  of  an  ex- 
traordinary embassy,  it  was  because  they  had  been 
able  to  form  their  own  estimate  of  the  stubborn 
courage  of  the  Russians.  It  had  seemed  to  Napo- 
leon III.,  that  by  making  this  choice  he  would 
manifest  the  most  sincere  courtesy. 

Alexander  II.  replied  :  "  That  was  the  way  I  un- 
derstood it,  and  we  have  all  been  delighted  to  see 
these  officers  here.  In  the  choice  of  you,  M.  le  Comte, 
to  represent  the  Emperor  Napoleon  at  my  court,  I 
discover  a  new  proof  of  his  feelings  toward  me.  I 
know  that  the  position  you  occupy  in  France  does 
not  seem  to  point  you  out  as  destined  for  a  for- 
eign mission,  and  I  am  all  the  more  affected  by 
your  being  sent  here.  I  acted  as  the  Emperor  Na- 
poleon has  done,  on  that  matter,  in  sending  him 
Count  Kisseleff.  He  was  one  of  my  father's  oldest 
friends  ;  for  a  long  time  he  has  been  mine  ;  he  is 
in  charge  here  of  one  of  the  most  important  de- 
partments of  the  empire  ;  his  age  and  inclinations, 
no  less  than  his  position  in  Russia,  seemed  to  im- 
ply the  impossibility  of  a  foreign  mission,  and  in 
order  to  induce  him  to  accept  it  I  was  obliged  to 
insist  on  my  wish  to  see  myself  represented  near 
the  Emperor  Napoleon  by  a  man  in  Avhom  I  have 
thorough  confidence." 


THE  EMBASSY  TO   ST.   PETERSBURG  87 

The  Czar  afterwards  laid  stress,  in  the  most 
friendly  way,  on  his  intention  to  remain  on  good 
terms  with  France  and  Napoleon  III.  "  That  was, 
at  bottom,"  said  he,  "  the  policy  and  aim  of  my 
father,  and  I  have  sincerely  regretted  the  misunder- 
standing between  him  and  you.  As  for  me,  I  give 
you  my  word  of  honor  that  you  can  rely  on  the  loy- 
alty and  sincerity  of  my  intentions,  and,  M.  le  Comte, 
if  ever  a  doubt  arises  in  your  mind,  come  direct  to  me 
and  you  will  always  find  me  ready  to  explain  myself 
and  come  to  an  agreement  with  you." 

By  the  exceptional  favor  on  the  occasion  of  pre- 
senting his  credentials,  Count  de  Morny  was  invited, 
with  all  the  members  of  his  embassy,  to  spend  the  7th 
and  8th  of  August  at  Peterhof.  The  8th  was  the  birth- 
day of  the  Empress.  The  Grand  Duke  and  the  Grand 
Duchess  Constantine,  the  Grand  Duke  Michael,  the 
Duchess  Marie  of  Leuchtenberg,  the  Dowager  Grand 
Duchess  of  Saxe  "Weimar,  the  Grand  Duchess  Cather- 
ine, and  the  Grand  Duke  of  Mecklenburg  Strelitz, 
who  were  at  Peterhof  for  the  fête,  willingly  made  an 
exception  to  the  rule  of  etiquette  requiring  an  ambas- 
sador to  ask  to  be  received  by  these  personages  in 
their  private  residences,  and  paid  their  respects  to 
him  after  Mass  in  the  château.  In  the  evening  he 
was  present  at  a  family  ball  given  by  Their  Imperial 
Majesties.  That  same  day  he  wrote  to  Count  Walew- 
ski  :  "  To  sum  up  in  accordance  with  the  favorable 
dispositions  I  encounter  here,  I  find  Russia  a  real 
mine  to  be  exploited  by  France.     It  pertains  to  the 


88  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

Emperor's  government  to  decide  what  advantage 
shall  be  derived  from  it." 

In  another  despatch,  dated  August  15,  tlie  ambas- 
sador added  :  "  I  feel  justified  in  repeating  my  first 
assertion,  to  wit,  that  we  are  on  excellent  terms  with 
everybody  here.  I  do  not  think  I  am  in  error  in 
saying  so,  for  all  who  surround  us  are  of  the  same 
opinion." 

Up  to  this  time  the  court  of  Russia,  which  favored 
the  Carlist  cause,  had  refused  to  recognize  the  gov- 
ernment of  Queen  Isabella  in  Spain.  In  a  drawing- 
room  talk  Prince  Gortchakoff  said  something  to  Count 
de  Morny  about  the  intention  of  the  cabinet  of  St. 
Petersburg  to  recognize  that  government  as  soon  as 
Spain  should  have  recovered  a  little  from  the  crisis 
she  had  just  passed  through.  It  seemed  to  be  his 
purpose  in  introducing  this  subject  to  pay  a  certain 
homage  to  the  Emperor  Napoleon's  influence,  and  he 
gave  it  to  be  understood  that  the  Emperor  Alexander, 
who  was  still  anxious  for  the  evacuation  of  Greece, 
would  be  glad  to  see  it  occur  coincidently  with  the 
sending  of  a  Russian  Minister  to  Madrid. 

This  made  the  ambassador  say  in  his  despatch  to 
Count  Walewski  :  "  Little  gifts  keep  up  friendship,  as 
you  will  appreciate.  I  did  not  try  to  repel  the  insinua- 
tion of  the  Prince,  thinking  that  it  might  be  advan- 
tageous to  France  to  serve  Spain  while  at  the  same 
time  pushing  Russia  into  a  path  totally  opposite,  on 
this  point,  as  on  many  others,  to  that  which  the  Em- 
peror Nicholas  followed  so  obstinately." 


THE  EMBASSY  TO  ST.   PETERSBURG  89 

August  15,  the  feast  of  tlie  Assumption  and  of 
Napoleon's  patron  saint,  Count  de  Morny  caused  to 
be  celebrated  in  the  Catholic  church  of  St.  Catherine 
with  a  splendor  which  that  feast  had  never  before 
received  in  Russia.  He  was  present,  with  all  the 
members  of  his  embassy,  at  a  Mass  followed  by  a 
Te  Deuni  and  a  Domine  salvum  fac  Imperatorem. 
The  Catholic  Bishop  of  Riga  presided.  The  ambas- 
sador had  confined  himself  to  notifying  the  diplo- 
matic corps  that  places  would  be  reserved  for  those 
who  wished  to  be  present.  All  the  heads  of  delega- 
tions came  in  uniform  with  their  secretaries  and  at- 
tachés. Just  as  he  was  about  starting  for  the  church 
M.  de  Morny  received  an  aide-de-camp  of  the  Czar, 
General  Ougaroff,  bearing  the  congratulations  and 
good  wishes  of  His  Lîajesty  for  the  Emperor  of 
the  French. 

On  arriving  at  the  church  the  ambassador  found 
M.  Tolstoy,  the  deputy  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
who  had  been  specially  commissioned  by  the  Em- 
peror Alexander  to  represent  him  at  the  ceremony. 
General  Count  Kisseleff  had  joined  M.  Tolstoy  of 
his  own  accord.  The  church,  brilliantly  illuminated 
and  served  by  a  large  body  of  priests,  was  entirely 
filled  by  a  part  of  tlie  French  colony  and  a  great 
number  of  Russians.  Count  de  Morny  wrote  to 
Count  Walewski  the  same  day  :  "  The  fine  appear- 
ance of  the  members  of  my  embassy,  greatly  set  off 
by  the  uniforms  of  the  military  delegation,  and,  if  I 
may  be  allowed  to  say  so,  by  my  handsome  carriages 


90  THE  COURT  OF  TUE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

and  liveries,  seemed  to  me  to  produce  a  very  marked 
impression  in  St.  Petersburg,  the  effect  of  which 
cannot  but  react  favorably  on  our  claims  to  consider- 
ation. In  the  evening  I  had  the  principal  façade  of 
n\y  house  illuminated.  It  faces  the  Neva  quay,  a 
stone's  throw  from  the  imperia,l  palace.  These  illu- 
minations drew  a  great  crowd  below  my  windows.  .  . 
I  enter  into  these  details  because  they  derive  impor- 
tance from  our  situation  in  this  country,  and  because 
the  splendor  with  which  I  have  surrounded  the  Em- 
peror's fête  seems  to  me  to  respond  worthily  to  the 
position  which  our  sovereign  occupies  in  Europe." 

The  ambassador  having  presented  the  broad  ribbon 
of  the  Legion  of  Honor  to  the  Emperor  Alexander 
in  the  name  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  the  Czar  said: 
"Acquaint  His  Imperial  Majesty,  until  I  can  do  so 
myself,  how  sensible  I  am  of  this  attention."  M. 
de  Morny  afterwards  introduced  to  the  Emperor  and 
the  Empress  the  military  delegation  and  the  newly 
arrived  attachés  of  the  embassy.  August  18,  he 
wrote  to  Count  Walewski  :  "  Our  Crimean  officers 
have  had  a  great  success,  and  all  of  them,  generals, 
officers,  and  attachés,  were  invited  with  me  for  that 
very  day  to  dinner  with  the  Emperor,  who  showed 
us  much  attention  in  the  evening  also.  An  aide-de- 
camp of  the  Minister  of  V»^ar  was  placed  at  my  dis- 
posal and  that  of  the  generals  to  show  us  the  public 
and  military  establishments  of  St.  Petersburg,  and 
the  Grand  Duke  Constantine  sent  me  a  verbal  mes- 
sage that  he  would  expect  us  to-morrow  at  Cronstadt, 


THE  EMBASSY  TO   ST.   PETEBSBUBG  91 

where  we  should  be  shown  the  fortress.  In  a  word, 
we  find  ourselves  the  recipients  of  very  marked,  very 
exceptional  favor,  which  causes  as  much  astonish- 
ment, I  almost  said  jealousy,  to  the  Russians  them- 
selves as  to  foreigners." 

The  ambassador  set  off  for  Moscow,  August  22. 
He  met  the  same  success  there  as  in  St,  Petersburg. 
The  ceremonious  entry  of  the  Czar  into  the  holy 
city  was  fixed  for  August  29,  and  his  coronation  for 
September  7. 


CHAPTER  XI 

THE  CORONATION   OF   THE   CZAR 

"ly /TOSCOW  had  resumed  the  festive  appearance 
laid  aside  since  the  coronation  of  the  Emperor 
Nicholas  in  1826,  when  the  Emperor  Alexander  made 
his  formal  entry,  August  29,  1856.  The  houses 
disappeared  behind  garlands,  flags,  and  hangings. 
Squares  and  open  spaces  were  adorned  with  gigantic 
columns.  The  entrance  to  the  streets  through  which 
the  procession  was  to  pass  was  marked  by  triumphal 
arches.  A  double  line  was  formed  by  the  Paw- 
lowski  regiment  on  the  right  and  the  regiment  of 
grenadiers  on  the  left.  The  diplomatic  corps  occu- 
pied the  windows  of  the  Princess  Kotchoubey's  man- 
sion. Count  de  Morny  appeared  in  a  carriage  with 
six  windows  and  gilded  panels,  lined  with  white  silk 
embroidered  in  red  and  gold,  and  drawn  by  six 
magnificent  bays.  In  Paris,  the  son  of  Queen  Hor- 
tense,  restrained  by  the  reserve  imposed  on  him  by 
Napoleon  III.,  did  not  brag  of  his  origin.  In  Moscoav 
one  miglit  say  that  he  advertised  it  on  the  blazon 
which  decorated  his  gala  carriage.  In  the  centre  of 
this  appeared  a  hortensia  with  this  motto  underneath  : 
Tace^  sed  memento  ;  Be  silent,  but  remember. 

92 


THE  COBONATION   OF  THE  CZAR  93 

All  the  officers  attached  to  the  embassy,  —  Gen- 
erals Lebœuf,  Frossard,  Dumont,  Colonel  Reille,  M. 
Piquemol,  Prince  de  Bauffremont,  Count  d'Espeuilles, 
Marquis  de  Gallifet,  —  rode  in  line  at  the  doors  of 
Count  de  Morny's  carriage.  Concerning  this,  Gen- 
eral Fleury  writes  in  his  Memoirs  :  "  I  have  heard 
the  somewhat  exaggerated  military  pomp  of  the 
ambassador  criticised  rather  severely.  Being  neither 
a  marshal,  nor  an  army  commander,  Count  de  Morny 
ought  not  to  have  displayed  such  a  wealth  of  officers 
around  him.  .  .  .  The  fault  was  not  Morny's,  how- 
ever, but  that  of  the  "War  Minister,  who  did  not  know 
how  to  observe  moderation." 

The  ambassador's  carriage  was  followed  by  three 
others  containing  the  civil  members  of  the  embassy. 
Count  Murat,  deputy  to  the  Corps  Législatif,  Vis- 
count de  I'Espine,  second  secretar}^.  Viscount  Simeon, 
Count  de  Lavalette,  the  Duke  de  Gramont-Cader- 
ousse,  attachés.  The  magnificence  of  the  equipages, 
the  brilliant  uniforms  of  the  French  officers,  the 
elegant  white,  red,  and  gold  liveries  of  the  outriders, 
coachmen,  and  footmen,  excited  the  admiration  of 
the  crowd. 

At  half-past  two  a  cannon  announced  that  the 
procession  was  starting  from  the  imperial  residence, 
Petrowski,  outside  of  Moscow.  The  bells  of  480 
churches  and  monasteries  began  to  ring  and  did  not 
stop  until  sunset.  The  clergy  of  the  churches  in  the 
line  of  the  procession  awaited  the  Emperor  with 
banners   and  holy   pictures.      At  four   o'clock  the 


94  THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

Cossacks  of  the  guard  made  their  appearance  in  the 
Tverskaïa,  a  long  street  which  crosses  the  city  between 
the  gate  of  St.  Petersburg  and  the  Kremlin,  with 
their  red  uniforms,  their  long  spears,  their  fur  caps  ; 
the  representatives  of  the  nobility  on  horses,  and  the 
deputies  of  Asiatic  hordes  subject  to  Russia  in  glit- 
tering costumes.  Then  came  a  long  file  of  gilded 
carriages  drawn  by  six  or  eight  horses.  Then  the 
cavalry  guards,  the  cuirassiers,  the  dragoons,  the 
hussars. 

And  now  the  Emperor  on  horseback,  preceded  by 
several  of  his  staff.  At  the  door  of  every  church  he 
halted  before  the  clergy,  who  incensed  him,  and, 
taking  off  his  hat,  he  kissed  the  cross.  In  passing  in 
front  of  the  Kotchoubey  mansion  he  bowed  graciously 
to  the  diplomatic  corps.  Behind  the  Czar  rode  his 
son  the  hereditary  Grand  Duke,  his  brothers,  the 
Grand  Dukes  Constantine,  Michael,  and  Nicholas, 
Prince  Frederic  of  Prussia,  betrothed  to  the  Princess 
Royal  of  England,  the  Princes  Frederic  of  WUrtem- 
burg,  Frederic  of  the  Low  Countries,  Nicholas  of 
Nassau,  and  Frederic  of  Hesse.  A  long  file  of  foot- 
men in  the  green  and  gold  imperial  livery  preceded 
the  two  Empresses.  The  Empress-mother  was  in  a 
carriage  dating  from  the  eighteenth  century,  the 
jDanels  decorated  with  pictures  by  Boucher,  drawn  by 
eight  bays,  caparisoned  with  gold  and  garnet  velvet  ; 
the  reigning  Empress  in  a  carriage  with  eight  grays 
harnessed  with  silver  and  blue  velvet.  Behind  her, 
in  three  more  gilded  and  painted  carriages,  were  the 


THE  CORONATION  OF  THE  CZAR  95 

princesses  of  the  imperial  family,  escorted  by  equer- 
ries at  the  portières  and  pages  behind.  On  arriving 
at  the  Kremlin,  Their  Majesties  and  Their  Imperial 
Highnesses  alighted  from  horse  and  carriage,  to  enter 
the  churches  of  the  Assumption,  the  Annunciation, 
and  the  Archangel  Michael,  where  they  kissed  the 
holy  pictures  oiïered  them  by  the  holy  synod,  and 
afterwards  prayed  above  the  tomb  of  the  former 
emperors. 

In  the  evening  the  Princess  Kotchoubey  gave  a 
dinner  of  two  hundred  and  twenty  covers  to  the 
diplomatic  corps  and  several  distinguished  foreigners. 
As  dean  of  the  ambassadors  extraordinary.  Count  de 
Morny  proposed  the  health  of  the  Czar. 

September  1,  Alexander  II.  reviewed  the  entire 
body  of  troops  assembled  for  his  coronation.  Count 
de  Morny  and  the  English  ambassador.  Lord  Gran- 
ville, were  on  horseback.  During  the  review,  the 
Grand  Duke  Constantine  devoted  himself  especially 
to  the  officers  of  the  French  embassy,  to  whom  he 
had  already  given  a  cordial  reception  at  Cronstadt. 

September  5,  in  the  morning,  took  place  the  pro- 
cession of  heralds-at-arms  proclaiming  throughout  tlie 
city  the  accession  of  the  Czar.  Wearing  red  and 
gold  musketry  caps  with  black,  orange,  and  yellow 
plumes,  doublets  of  cloth-of-gold,  and  carrying  their 
maces  in  their  right  hands,  they  were  preceded  by  a 
squadron  of  mounted  guards  and  four  masters  of 
ceremonies.  Their  white  horses  were  led  by  lackeys 
in  rich  livery.     On  the  Kremlin  Square  the  trumpets 


96  TUE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND   EMPIRE 

sounded  ;  the  spectators  took  off  their  hats  ;  the  her- 
alds-at-arms  raised  tlieir  maces  ;  then,  after  the  read- 
ing of  the  proclamation,  they  scattered  copies  of  it 
amongst  the  crowd,  who  seized  them  with  a  sort  of 
fanaticism  and  preserved  them  among  the  sacred 
pictures  in  their  houses. 

September  7  was  the  great  day  :  that  of  the  coro- 
nation. The  beginning  of  the  ceremonies  was  an- 
nounced in  the  morning  by  the  church  bells  and 
salvos  of  artillery.  At  the  signal  given  by  the 
Kremlin  cannon,  all  those  who  were  to  occupy  seats 
either  in  the  tribunes  erected  around  the  inner  court 
of  the  palace  or  within  the  church,  betook  themselves 
to  their  places  through  a  crowd,  part  of  which  had 
been  waiting  in  the  streets  since  midnight.  The  dip- 
lomatic corps  assembled  at  the  palace  of  the  French 
embassy;  a  company  of  mounted  gendarmes  guarded 
the  approaches,  and  it  was  from  there  that  it  started 
for  the  Kremlin.  At  the  head  of  this  procession 
moved  the  state  carriage  of  Count  de  Morny. 

Never  was  there  a  grander  or  more  imposing  cere- 
mony. Moscow  is  the  holy  city,  the  holi/  mother  of 
which  no  Russian  speaks  without  filial  respect. 
Moscow  is  the  heart  of  Russia.  The  Kremlin  is  the 
heart  of  Moscow.  The  church  of  the  Assumption  is 
the  heart  of  the  Kremlin.  The  sanctuary  is  not  vast  ; 
but  how  resplendent  it  was  with  its  walls  gilded  and 
decorated  with  Byzantine  paintings,  its  extraordi- 
narily magnificent  iconostasis,  its  priests  in  chasu- 
bles of   cloth-of-gold   and   cloth-of-silver,  overloaded 


THE  CORONATION  OF  THE  CZAR  97 

with  fine  pearls  and  precious  stones  !  It  was  in  this 
church,  the  object  of  universal  veneration,  that  Alex- 
ander II.  was  to  be  crowned. 

The  Empress-mother  was  the  first  to  make  her 
appearance.  A  superb  dais  was  awaiting  her  at  the 
foot  of  the  red  staircase.  Under  the  parvis  the 
Metropolitan  received  her  and  presented  the  cross 
and  holy  water.  Entering  the  sanctuary  she  took 
her  place  on  one  of  the  three  thrones  on  a  platform 
in  the  middle. 

Then  came  the  Czar  and  the  Czarina,  advancing 
processionally  beneath  a  canopy  of  crimson  velvet 
embroidered  with  gold  and  surmounted  with  white 
plumes,  which  was  upheld  by  thirty-two  superior 
officers.  After  bowing  reverently  before  the  holy 
pictures,  Their  Majesties  seated  themselves  on  two 
thrones  of  equal  height  overlooking  the  entire  assem- 
bly. Then  the  coronation  ceremony  began.  The 
Czar  vested  himself  in  the  imperial  mantle  with  the 
diamond  chain  of  the  order  of  St.  Andrew.  The 
Metropolitan  made  the  sign  of  the  cross,  imposed  his 
hands  while  reciting  a  prayer  and  presented  on  a 
cushion  the  diamond  crown  surmounted  by  the  finest 
rubies  that  exist.  The  monarch  took  the  crown  and 
set  it  on  his  own  head.  Then,  with  his  right  hand 
he  seized  the  sceptre,  and  with  his  left  the  globe  with 
its  glittering  cross.  Afterwards,  seating  himself  on 
his  throne  and  laying  down  the  sceptre  and  the  globe, 
he  called  the  Czarina,  who  kneeled  before  him.  Lift- 
ing the  crown  from  his  head,  he  touched  the  fore- 


98  THE   COUBT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

head  of  the  Empress  with  it  and  replaced  it  on  his 
head.  Finally  he  put  a  smaller  crown  upon  her 
forehead  and  vested  her  with  the  mantle  and  chain 
of  St.  Andrew.  At  this  moment  all  the  bells  rang 
throughout  the  city,  and  one  hundred  and  one  guns 
were  fired. 

The  Empress-mother,  supported  by  the  Grand 
Dukes  Michael  and  Nicholas,  left  her  throne,  ad- 
vanced towards  her  son,  who  made  several  steps  to 
meet  her,  and  fell  into  his  arms.  The  emotion  was 
indescribable.  The  other  members  of  the  imperial 
family  then  approached;  they  embraced  the  Em- 
peror on  the  shoulder  and  kissed  the  hand  of  the 
Empress.  -They  were  kissed  in  return  upon  the 
forehead. 

Wearing  the  crown  and  the  imperial  mantle  and 
holding  in  his  hands  the  sceptre  and  the  globe,  the 
Czar  descended  from  his  throne  and  —  all  others 
remaining  on  their  feet  —  fell  on  his  knees  and 
prayed  aloud  for  his  people.  Then  he  rose  and  all 
the  spectators  kneeled.  The  choir  intoned  the  Te 
Deum.  Wlien  this  was  ended  the  Metropolitan  took 
the  cup  of  Constantine  containing  the  holy  chrism, 
and  dipping  into  it  a  gilded  branch,  anointed  the 
Emperor  on  the  forehead,  eyes,  nostrils,  mouth,  ears, 
breast,  and  hands.  One  hundred  and  one  discharges 
of  cannon  and  all  the  church  bells  of  the  city  an- 
nounced the  holy  unction.  Then  the  Emperor  went 
inside  the  iconostasis,  a  part  of  the  altar  which  only 
the  priest  has  the  right  to  enter,  and  after  prostrating 


THE  CORONATION  OF  THE  CZAR  99 

himself  three  times,  received  Communion  under  both 
species  according  to  the  rite  observed  in  the  case  of 
priests,  while  the  Empress  received  at  the  door  of 
the  iconostasis  in  the  same  manner  as  the  faithful 
generally. 

Before  returning  to  the  palace,  the  Czar  and  the 
Czarina,  in  coronation  costume  and  under  the  dais, 
went  to  visit  the  other  two  churches  which  likewise 
form  part  of  the  Kremlin,  that  of  the  Archangel  St. 
Michael,  which  contains  the  tombs  of  the  former 
emperors,  and  that  of  the  Annunciation.  They  left 
the  dais  after  this  visit  and  ascended  the  steps  of  the 
red  staircase.  On  reaching  the  top,  the  Czar,  having 
the  Czarina  on  his  left  side,  turned  and  thrice  saluted 
the  enthusiastic  crowd. 

The  ambassadors  breakfasted  in  one  of  the  apart- 
ments of  the  ancient  Kremlin,  and  again  assembled, 
to  be  present,  according  to  usage,  at  the  Emperor's 
dinner.  A  pillar,  erected  in  the  middle  of  the  hall 
where  this  repast  was  to  take  place,  Avas  ornamented 
with  old  cups  and  pieces  of  gold  and  silver  ware  dat- 
ing from  very  remote  periods.  A  table  with  three 
covers  had  been  prepared  on  an  estrade  covered  with 
red  velvet,  for  the  Emperor  and  the  two  Empresses. 
Not  far  from  the  imperial  table,  another,  which  ran 
all  round  the  hall,  had  been  made  ready  for  the 
Metropolitans  of  Moscow,  St.  Petersburg,  Kieff,  Nov- 
gorod, and  the  members  of  their  clergy  who  had 
been  present  at  the  coronation  ceremonies.  Some 
moments  after  his  arrival  the  Emperor  lifted  a  glass 


100        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

to  his  lips  ;  this  was  a  signal  for  the  ambassadors  to 
depart,  and  they  withdrew. 

In  the  evening  the  city  was  like  a  scene  of  en- 
chantment. The  rue  Tverska'ia,  the  Place  of  the 
Grand  Theatre,  and  the  palace  of  the  ambassador  of 
France,  glowed  with  lights.  The  illuminated  Krem- 
lin seemed  like  a  magic  palace.  Multicolored  fires 
wound  around  the  high  crenellated  walls  and  reached 
the  summits  of  innumerable  towers.  The  giant  of 
the  steeples,  that  of  Ivan  Veliky,  dominating  radiant 
cupolas,  threw  out  sheaves  of  fireworks  in  all  direc- 
tions. The  crowds  massed  on  the  quays  of  the  Mos- 
kowa  were  in  transports  of  joy.  In  the  evening  the 
Emperor  drove  out  in  an  open  carriage,  greeted  on 
every  side  by  acclamations  that  were  almost  frantic. 
Oh  how  magnificently  and  joyously  opened  a  reign 
which  was  to  close  in  so  tragic  a  fashion  ! 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE  FÊTES   OF   MOSCOW 

n^HE  grand  traditional  banquet  offered  to  the 
people  by  the  Czar,  in  a  plain  just  outside  of 
Moscow,  was  to  take  place  September  20.  During  the 
preceding  days,  one  saw  police  officers  in  the  streets 
inviting  all  the  moujiks  whom  they  met  to  dine  ivith 
the  Emperor^  and  the  latter  charging  them  in  turn  to 
convey  their  thanks  to  the  sovereign.  On  the  day 
appointed,  in  the  plain  of  Petrowski,  an  infinite  num- 
ber of  tables,  with  mountains  of  meat,  bread,  and 
cakes,  covered  a  space  of  more  than  one  square  verst. 
Fountains  springing  from  the  heads  of  lions,  shed 
each  into  its  own  basin  floods  of  wine,  kvass,  and  tea. 
A  Moorish  pavilion  had  been  erected  for  the  Czar, 
who  was  to  preside  at  the  people's  banquet  after  the 
fashion  of  his  ancestors.  Behind  this  pavilion  were 
eight  covered  galleries,  intended  for  great  digni- 
taries of  state  and  the  members  of  the  diplomatic 
corps.  The  Emperor  arrived  on  horseback,  sur- 
rounded by  grand  dukes  and  followed  by  a  numer- 
ous staff.  He  alighted,  and  after  talking  for  a  few 
minutes  with  the  princesses  and  the  ambassadors,  re- 
mounted and  rode  over  the  plain.     Then  he  returned 

101 


102        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

to  the  imperial  pavilion  and  presided  at  the  gigantic 
banquet,  which  was  succeeded  by  many  diversions  : 
circuses,  swings,  Russian  mountains,  and  gratuitous 
theatrical  representations  of  scenes  of  national  his- 
tory. 

The  next  day,  September  21,  the  distribution  of 
food  and  drink  and  the  games  began  anew  in  the 
plain  of  Petrowski.  Rain  poured  in  torrents,  but 
nevertheless,  the  Emperor  returned  and  was  received 
with  lively  enthusiasm.  Just  as  he  arrived  a  balloon 
filled  with  bonbons  was  sent  up.  On  leaving,  the 
sovereign  invited  the  ambassadors  to  meet  him  at 
breakfast  in  the  castle  of  Petrowski.  Until  night 
the  crowds,  though  wet  to  the  skin,  made  the  air 
ring  with  their  shouts  of  pleasure  as  they  amicably 
disputed  the  way  to  the  provisions  and  the  fountains. 

September  22,  the  Emperor  offered  an  entertain- 
ment in  the  Kremlin  to  the  citizens,  the  merchants 
of  the  three  guilds,  and  the  different  working  classes 
of  Moscow.  It  was  what  was  called  a  "  bal  masqué," 
although  there  were  neither  masks  nor  dominos. 
According  to  an  old  custom,  suppressed  by  the  Em- 
peror Nicholas,  the  Czars  and  the  members  of  their 
families  wore,  in  similar  circumstances,  a  small  silk 
mantle  over  their  usual  dress.  This  disguise  no 
longer  existed,  but  the  name  of  masked  ball  had 
been  retained.  There  were  no  dances  properly  so 
called  at  this  ball,  but  there  were  polonaises,  a  sort 
of  ceremonious  marches  executed  to  the  accompa- 
niment of  the  orchestra   by  the   Emperor,  the  Era- 


THE  FÊTES   OF  MOSCOW  103 

press,  and  the  personages  of  their  court.  Fifteen 
thousand  invited  guests  assembled  at  the  fête  of 
September  22.  The  Czar  wore  his  uniform  as  com- 
mander of  the  national  militia.  The  two  Empresses, 
the  Grand  Duchesses,  and  the  court  ladies  were 
all  in  national  costume,  the  Russian  kakoehnik  or 
headdress,  overloaded  with  diamonds,  pearls,  emer- 
alds, rubies,  and  streaming  veils  of  tulle  or  lace. 
Robes  of  gold  and  silver  brocade  were  trimmed  with 
furs.  Corsages  glittered  with  jewels.  Immense  em- 
broidered trains  swept  the  parquetted  floor.  During 
the  polonaise  the  Emperor  escorted  the  Empress  first 
and  afterwards  the  Grand  Duchesses,  and  shook 
hands  with  the  ambassadresses  and  several  noble 
ladies.  He  subsequently  visited  all  the  halls  of  the 
palace.  A  marble  staircase,  which  divides  the  build- 
ing in  two,  leads  to  the  hall  of  St.  George,  in  which 
the  names  of  all  knights  of  this  order  who  have  been 
rewarded  for  brilliant  deeds  on  the  battlefield  are 
inscribed  on  white  marble  tablets  inserted  in  the  walls 
in  letters  of  gold.  The  hall  of  St.  Catherine  forms  a 
pendant  to  this  one.  The  order  from  which  it  bor- 
rows its  name  is  one  instituted  for  ladies.  The  Em- 
press presides  at  the  meeting  of  its  chapter.  In  the 
long  galler}^  whose  decorations  recall  the  emblems 
of  the  order  of  St.  Andrew  and  include  the  black 
eagles  of  Russia  bearing  the  imperial  escutcheon,  the 
throne  was  set  under  an  enormous  cloth  of  gold 
lined  with  ermine.  On  the  left  had  been  placed  a 
console  on  which  lay  the  imperial  insignia  under  the 


104        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

chai-fre  of  a  guard  of  honor.  The  throne  had  been 
separated  from  the  spectators  by  a  gilded  balustrade 
like  that  before  the  bed  of  Louis  XIV.  in  the  château 
of  Versailles,  which  the  ambassadors  had  been  author- 
ized to  cross.  Around  the  sides  of  the  throne-room 
tables  had  been  placed  which  were  hidden  from  view 
under  salt-cellars  and  dishes  in  precious  metals,  of- 
fered with  bread  and  salt  by  the  numberless  delega- 
tions. The  fête  terminated  by  a  supper  of  two 
thousand  covers,  for  which  the  court  of  the  Kremlin 
served  as  a  hall. 

Three  grand  balls  were  given  by  the  English, 
Austrian,  and  French  ambassadors  in  that  order.  At 
the  mansion  of  Lord  Granville,  a  white  and  red  tent 
adorned  with  flowers  recalled  a  naval  fête  on  the 
deck  of  a  vessel.  At  that  of  Prince  Esterhazy,  a 
white  and  gold  salon,  refreshed  by  a  large  fountain, 
was  like  a  salon  from  the  palace  of  Vienna  trans- 
ported to  Moscow.  Every  one  was  wondering  what 
Count  de  Morny's  ball  would  be.     It  was  a  marvel. 

The  ball  took  place  September  29.  The  front  of 
the  embassy  was  illuminated  by  colored  lamps  :  red, 
blue,  and  white.  On  every  step  of  the  staircase, 
adorned  with  green  foliage  and  flowers,  stood  pow- 
dered footmen  in  white,  red,  and  gold  liveries.  The 
great  ballroom  was  magnificent  with  its  azure  decor- 
ation, its  gilded  trellis  tapestried  with  natural  ivy, 
and,  springing  from  a  parterre  of  flowers,  its  medal- 
lions representing  Loves  holding  bunches  of  roses,  its 
immense  mirrors  apparently  increasing  the  extent  of 


THE  FÊTES   OF  MOSCOW  105 

the  hall  and  reflecting  its  lights,  its  six  chandeliers, 
its  great  cupola  diffusing  a  brightness  still  further 
increased  by  lamps  placed  at  intervals  in  vases  of 
flowers,  its  estrade  garnished  with  blue  silk  curtains 
and  armchairs  of  gold  brocade  and  white  for  the 
Emperor  and  the  imperial  family,  and  its  orchestra  on 
a  sort  of  terrace  with  a  gilded  balustrade.  A  door  in 
the  ballroom  led  to  other  salons.  One  of  them  had 
been  transformed  into  a  picture  gallery  for  the  fine 
pictures  brought  from  Paris  by  the  ambassador. 
Another,  a  charming  boudoir  in  white  muslin  lined 
with  blue  silk,  was  intended  for  the  Empress.  In  a 
third  was  an  immense  buffet  with  stewards  ranged 
behind  it  in  violet  and  gold  liveries,  white  breeches, 
and  silk  stockings. 

At  ten  o'clock  the  arrival  of  the  sovereigns  was 
announced.  The  ambassador  and  all  his  delegation 
went  to  receive  them  at  the  foot  of  the  stairs.  Pre- 
ceded by  footmen  carrying  candelabras  and  followed 
by  the  ambassador.  Their  ]Majesties  entered  the  grand 
ballroom.  The  orchestra  played  the  Russian  national 
hymn.  Then  came  a  polonaise,  led  by  Count  de 
Morny,  with  the  Empress  on  his  arm,  followed  by 
the  Emperor,  giving  his  hand  to  the  Baroness  See- 
bach,  daughter  of  Chancellor  Nesselrode,  and  wife  of 
the  minister  of  Saxony  at  Paris.  Count  de  Morny, 
being  a  bachelor,  had  begged  this  lady  to  do  the 
honors  of  the  fête  with  him. 

The  ambassador  himself  shall  finish  the  description 
of  his  ball.     He  does  so  in  a  despatch  addressed  to 


106        THE  COURT  OF  THE   SECOND   EMPIRE 

Count  Walewski  on  September  30  :  "  The  Emperor 
and  the  imperial  family  were  present  last  week  at 
balls  given  them  by  the  ambassadors  of  England  and 
Austria.  I  had  yesterday  the  honor  to  receive  in  my 
turn  the  Emperor,  who  came  to  the  embassy  accom- 
panied by  the  Empress,  the  Grand  Duke  and  Grand 
Duchess  Constantine,  the  Grand  Dukes  Nicholas  and 
Michael,  and  all  the  foreign  princes  now  in  I\Ioscow. 
The  Emperor  wore  the  white  uniform  of  the  mounted 
guards  and  the  broad  ribbon  and  star  of  the  Legion 
of  Honor.  He  said  to  me  on  entering  :  '  M.  l'Ambas- 
sadeur, to-day  I  have  for  the  first  time  the  honor  of 
wearing  the  broad  ribbon  sent  me  by  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  through  you,  and  I  am  charmed  that  it 
should  be  in  your  house.'  Tliroughout  the  evening 
the  Emperor  and  the  Empress  testified  the  utmost 
kindness  and  cordiality.  They  did  me  the  honor  to 
remain  from  ten  in  the  evening  until  two  in  the 
morning,  and  did  not  retire  without  partaking  of 
supper.  I  had  assembled  around  Their  Majesties  the 
diplomatic  corps  and  the  élite  of  St.  Petersburg  and 
Moscow  society,  as  well  as  the  principal  militarj^  and 
civil  functionaries  of  the  Empire.  It  does  not  become 
me  to  praise  my  own  ball,  but  it  is  permissible  to  say 
in  accordance  with  what  I  have  heard  of  the  general 
impression,  that  although  tlie  last  of  the  fêtes  of  the 
coronation  it  was  not  the  least  brilliant." 

Indisputably,  Count  de  ^lorny  had  been  the  most 
prodigal  of  the  ambassadors. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

FRANCE  AND   RUSSIA 

f'  I  ^HE  hour  had  come  when  a  durable  and  definitive 
alliance  might  be  concluded  between  France 
and  Russia.  By  a  concurrence  of  providential  cir- 
cumstances the  enemies  of  yesterday  had  become 
friends  of  to-morrow.  The  Russians  bore  a  grudge 
against  the  English  and  the  Austrians,  but  none 
against  the  French.  They  said  that  the  war  be- 
tween the  Emperor  Nicholas  and  Napoleon  III. 
had  been  simply  a  fatal  misunderstanding,  and  that 
France  in  the  Crimea  had  played  England's  game 
instead  of  serving  her  own  interests.  People  were 
grateful  to  the  Emperor  of  the  French  for  his  atti- 
tude during  the  Congress  of  Paris,  and  fully  resolved 
to  reward  him  for  it.  Count  de  Morny's  great  politi- 
cal good  sense  assured  him  that  the  psychological 
moment  had  arrived  for  an  accord  which  might  be 
equally  useful  to  both  nations.  A  shrewd  observer, 
he  perceived  at  Moscow,  perhaps  still  more  than  at 
St.  Petersburg,  that  not  merely  the  official  circles  but 
all  classes  of  Russian  society  were  actuated  by  good 
dispositions  towards  France. 

Everyone  said  that  England  would  have  liked  to 
107 


108        TUE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

continue  the  war  until  all  the  Russian  fleet  had  been 
destroyed,  and  that  Napoleon  III.  had  been  the  sole 
obstacle  in  the  way  of  her  doing  so.  September  3, 
1856,  M.  de  Morny  wrote  from  Moscow  to  Count 
Walewski  :  "  They  say  to  us  :  '  You  have  been  fierce 
enemies,  but  generous  and  humane  ones.  You  have 
never  warred  on  us  like  savages,  and  we  are  aware 
that  we  owe  it  to  the  moderation  of  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  that  peace  has  been  concluded;  which  is 
more  than  we  can  say  of  your  allies.'  So  say  officers, 
merchants,  and  the  people."  In  the  same  despatch 
he  adds  :  "  The  more  closely  I  study  Europe,  the 
more  I  become  convinced  that  the  reputation  for 
great  moderation  and  perfect  loyalty  is  at  present 
what  can  give  the  greatest  moral  force  to  a  govern- 
ment. Moreover,  I  can  assure  you  that  people  here 
have  a  very  real  respect  for  the  Emperor  of  the 
French,  as  well  as  a  great  admiration  and  absolute 
reliance  on  his  word.  Prince  Gortchakoff  is  inex- 
haustible on  this  subject  ;  he  speaks  of  it  openly  ;  he 
says  that  his  policy  of  thirty  years  is  triumphant, 
that  he  has  always  considered  an  alliance  with 
France  as  the  most  natural  and  the  most  advanta- 
geous for  Russia  :  '  France,'  says  he,  '  not  a  revolu- 
tionary comet,  but  a  planet  directed  in  its  course  by 
a  firm  and  able  sovereign.'  This  language,  under 
every  variety  of  expression,  is  that  of  everybod}',  and 
is  addressed  to  all  of  us  in  every  rank.  We  are  cor- 
dially welcomed  everywhere,  and  not  merely  at  the 
official  receptions  ;   our  officers  are  treated  with  a 


FRANCE  AND  RUSSIA  109 

friendly  distinction  ;  our  ears  are  constantly  filled 
with  words  of  admiration  and  sympathy  for  France. 
Is  it  only  a  watchword  ?  So  be  it,  but  watchwords 
so  well  given  and  so  generally  accepted  and  repeated 
end  by  becoming  a  public  spirit.  I  repeat  what  I 
have  said  to  you,  that  with  prudence,  we  may  do 
many  things  here  without  wounding  any  one." 

There  was  no  cloud  on  the  relations  of  the  two 
governments.  It  might  have  been  thought  that  the 
title  of  Duke  of  Malakoff  given  by  Napoleon  III.  to 
Marshal  Pélissier  would  excite  some  ill  feeling  in 
Russia.  But  it  did  not.  Count  Walewski  had  ad- 
dressed the  following  telegram  to  M.  de  Morny, 
August  14,  1856  :  "  The  Emperor  has  named  Mar- 
shal Pélissier  Duke  of  Malakoff.  We  hope  no  one  at 
St.  Petersburg  will  be  offended."  The  ambassador 
replied  two  days  later  :  "  I  am  continually  forgetting 
to  tell  you  that  when  I  received  your  telegram  an- 
nouncing the  creation  of  the  duchy  of  Malakoff,  I 
wondered  by  what  clever  arguments  I  might  best  gild 
this  pill  for  the  Russian  government.  I  was  even  get- 
ting ready  to  call  attention  to  the  choice  as  a  delicate 
attention,  because  the  name  of  Sebastopol  would  have 
been  more  logical,  greater,  and  more  glorious,  but  also 
more  displeasing  to  Russia,  whereas  Malakoff  is  no 
longer  in  existence,  is  merely  a  point,  recalls  nothing 
but  a  brilliant  action,  etc.  Once  armed  with  these 
arguments,  I  concluded  not  to  say  a  word  on  the 
subject  to  anybody,  nobody  has  mentioned  it  to  me, 
and  it  is  thus  that  I   have  conducted   this  thorny 


110        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

negotiation.  I  am  rather  disposed  to  employ  this 
method  often,  and  I  believe  that  in  many  cases  it 
would  be  almost  infallibly  successful.  To  forestall 
an  objection  is  often  to  beget  one." 

Count  de  JNIorny  saw  clearly  that  the  painful 
memories  between  France  and  Russia  might  be  for- 
ever effaced.  "  I  cannot  avoid,"  he  adds,  "  recurring 
to  our  situation  in  1815.  Let  us  remember  that 
several  of  the  Powers  then  set  their  foot  on  our 
throats.  Others,  more  generous,  extended  their 
hands.  The  first  have  left  behind  a  feeling  of  bitter- 
ness ;  for  the  others,  in  spite  of  their  hostility  and 
our  humiliation,  we  are  conscious  of  no  rancor.  The 
situation  is  nearly  the  same  for  the  Russians.  .  .  . 
To  show  ourselves  equitable  and  benevolent  on  un- 
important points  is  to  obtain  their  gratitude  very 
cheaply.  .  .  .  Hence  my  opinion  is  that,  without  do- 
ing anything  calculated  to  alarm  England,  we  ought 
to  take  serious  note  of  the  friendly  dispositions,  the 
preferences  shown  for  us  by  Russia,  to  neglect  none 
of  the  petty  details  which  become  matters  of  recon- 
ciliation, —  commercial  treaties,  exchange  of  cour- 
tesies and  of  politeness,  in  a  word,  all  those  little 
means  of  being  mutually  agreeable  which  govern- 
ments possess  and  which  it  is  so  easy  to  make  use  of. 
When  the  time  arrives,  without  dignity  being  com- 
promised on  either  side,  I  am  convinced  that  I  shall 
receive  here  open  and  public  testimonials  of  a  still 
closer  union.  I  have  taken  care  not  to  allow  my 
desire  for  it  to  become  visible  ;  I  have  not  breathed 


FRANCE  AND  RUSSIA  111 

a  word,  but  I  should  be  very  much  amazed  at  not 
succeeding  were  I  charged  to  arrange  a  result  of  tliat 
sort."  M.  de  Mornj'-'s  despatches  do  great  honor  to 
his  memory.  They  speak  the  language  of  a  skilled 
diplomatist,  a  clear-sighted  patriot,  and  a  real  states- 
man. 

M.  de  Morny  had  a  singular  comprehension  of  the 
present  and  read  the  future  like  a  prophet.  He  was 
thoroughly  aware  that  France  excited  great  jealousy  ; 
that  she  could  not  preserve  her  ^preponderating  situa- 
tion except  b}''  the  aid  of  some  powerful  alliance  like 
that  of  Russia,  and  that  in  order  that  this  alliance 
might  be  fruitful  it  must  take  an  active  character 
without  recoiling  from  initiatives.  "  The  European 
continent,"  said  he,  in  his  despatch  of  September  5, 
"seems  to  me  a  composite  of  chemical  elements  of 
different  species.  By  agitating  it  in  a  certain  way, 
by  adding  certain  substances,  one  may  produce  new 
combinations  there  ;  but  if  these  are  left  to  repose 
quietly  and  with  indifference,  the  ancient  affinities 
will  be  seen  to  regain  their  attractive  forces,  and 
some  fine  day  we  may  be  surprised  to  find  all  the 
former  ties  renewed  and  old  Europe  against  us.  We 
must  not  delude  ourselves;  the  triumph  of  our  arms, 
the  success  of  our  policy,  create  more  envy  than 
admiration."  The  conclusion  of  the  ambassador  was 
that,  to  neutralize  the  effects  of  this  jealousy  of  the 
powers  it  was  necessary  for  France  to  unite  itself  to 
Russia  by  solid  and  indestructible  ties. 

M.  de  Morny  was  right  in  believing  that  no  gov- 


112        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

ernment  but  the  Russian  could  render  ineffectual  the 
suspicions  and  bitter  feelings  of  the  Germans  con- 
cerning France,  and  that  Napoleon  III.  would  obtain 
tangible  results  only  through  the  friendliness  of  the 
Czar.  He  was  affirming  undeniable  truths  when  he 
added  in  the  same  despatch  :  "  In  spite  of  its  recent 
disasters,  Russia  still  retains  a  great  prestige  in  Ger- 
many. On  the  day  when  the  latter  believes  that  a 
serious  accord  exists  between  the  two  Emperors  of 
France  and  Russia,  she  will  go  through  the  eye  of  a 
needle.  If  ever  the  map  of  Europe  needs  to  be 
peacefully  changed,  it  is  very  plain  that  no  modifica- 
tion in  favor  of  France  could  be  made  with  the  con- 
sent of  Germany,  nor  would  be  possible  without  the 
concurrence  of  Russia." 

In  the  forty-two  years  that  I  have  been  in  the 
Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs,  many  despatches  have 
passed  through  my  hands.  I  have  read  none  better 
than  those  of  M.  de  Morny.  No  trained  diplomatist 
has  surpassed  this  improvised  one.  I  have  just  been 
looking  over  the  mass  of  his  correspondence,  and  I 
tell  myself  that  if  his  counsels  had  been  followed  our 
misfortunes  would  have  been  averted.  What  was 
lacking  to  the  diplomacy  of  the  Second  Empire  was 
a  quality  which  M.  de  Morny,  both  before  and  after 
his  elevation  to  the  title  of  Duke,  possessed  in  the 
highest  degree  :  steadiness  of  mind.  To  the  end  of 
his  life,  too  short,  alas  !  he  remained  the  convinced 
partisan  of  the  Russian  alliance,  the  friend  and  ad- 
mirer of   the  Emperor  Alexander  II.     He  made  in 


FRANCE  AND  RUSSIA  113 

vain,  but  with  the  most  laudable  frankness  and  en- 
ergy, the  greatest  efforts  to  prevent  his  sovereign 
from  embroiling  himself  with  the  cabinet  of  St. 
Petersburg  by  an  imprudent  and  fruitless  interven- 
tion in  the  affairs  of  Poland.  But  for  this  unlucky 
intervention,  which  was  a  snare  laid  for  France  by 
Austria  and  still  more  hy  England,  and  which  had 
no  results  but  to  people  Siberia  with  exiles  and 
break  the  Franco-Russian  agreement,  the  two  Em- 
pires would  have  remained  indissolubly  united,  and 
Germany,  obliged  to  watch  her  oriental  frontier 
instead  of  being  able  to  disgarnish  it  completely 
would  not  have  dared  to  venture  on  the  war  which 
was  so  fatal  to  France.  It  may  be  affirmed  that  if 
the  relations  of  Napoleon  III.  and  Alexander  II.  had 
been  still  in  1870  what  they  were  in  1856,  we  should 
have  been  spared  all  our  disasters.  But  in  1870  the 
Duke  de  Morny  was  no  longer  there  to  tell  Napoleon 
III.  the  truth. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

THE  PKINCE   OF   PRUSSIA 

^  I  ^HE  close  of  the  year  1856  was  made  noticeable  at 
the  Tuileries  by  a  princely  visit  to  which  Napo- 
leon HI.  attached  great  importance,  that  of  Prince 
Frederic  William  of  Prussia,  the  future  Emperor  of 
Germany.  The  Prince  was  in  his  sixtieth  year  and 
had  retained  great  vigor  both  of  body  and  mind. 
Born  March  22,  1797,  he  was  the  son  of  Frederic 
William  III.,  and  the  brother  and  heir  of  Frederic 
William  IV.,  who  had  no  children  and  whose  health 
was  precarious.  The  Prince  of  Prussia  already  took 
an  active  interest  in  politics,  and  Napoleon  III.  fan- 
cied that  he  might  some  da}^  find  in  him  a  distin- 
guished collaborator  in  his  designs  on  Italy.  The 
Prince  was  destined  to  play  a  part,  alas  !  still  greater 
than  that  which  the  Emperor  believed  to  be  in  store 
for  him.  As  a  youth  he  had  invaded  France,  as  an 
old  man  he  was  to  invade  it  again.  He  remembered 
that  when  scarcely  seventeen  he  had  gone  to  Malmai- 
son with  his  father,  Frederic  William  III.,  his  brother, 
the  future  Frederic  William  IV.,  and  the  Grand  Duke 
Nicholas  of  Russia,  the  future  Emperor  Nicholas  I. 
All  three  had  been  under  the  charm  of  the  Empress 

114 


THE  PRINCE  OF  PRUSSIA  115 

Josephine  and  Queen  Hortense.  The  Queen  had 
sung  some  songs  of  her  own  composition,  glancing 
sympathetically  meanwhile  at  the  handsome  Grand 
Duke  Nicholas.  So  the  Emperor  William  told  one  of 
his  aides-de-camp  some  time  before  his  death,  and  the 
conversation  was  reported  to  me.  In  1856  he  could 
remind  Napoleon  III.  of  the  souvenirs  of  Malmaison. 
But  he  took  good  care  not  to  evoke  those  of  his  own 
mother,  Queen  Louise,  whom  the  victor  of  Jena  and 
the  conqueror  of  Berlin  had  wounded  deeply,  and 
whom  the  Prussians  longed  to  avenge. 

It  is  curious  to  note  that  of  all  the  princes  who 
came  to  France  during  the  Second  Empire,  he  who 
had  the  greatest  success  at  the  Court  of  the  Tuileries 
was  probably  the  future  victor  of  Sedan.  No  one 
was  more  attentive  to  the  Emperor,  more  gallant  tow- 
ards the  Empress,  whose  respectful  and  enthusiastic 
admirer  he  claimed  to  be.  His  princely  and  military 
bearing,  his  kindly  aspect,  his  simple  and  familiar 
conversation,  assured  him  a  specially  courteous  and 
cordial  welcome. 

December  11,  1856,  Frederic  William,  Prince  of 
Prussia,  coming  from  Osborne  in  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
arrived  in  Paris  accompanied  by  Baron  von  Schreck- 
enstein,  commander  in  chief  of  the  7th  Prussian 
army  corps,  and  by  an  officer  destined  unfortunately 
to  become  very  celebrated.  General  Moltke.  Colonel 
Marquis  de  Toulongeon,  orderly  officer  of  the  Em- 
peror, and  Count  de  Riencourt,  equerry,  went  to 
Calais  to  meet  the  Prince.     Prince  Napoleon  received 


116        THE  COURT  OF  TUE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

him  at  the  Gare  du  Nord,  where  a  battalion  of  the 
guard  and  another  of  the  line  were  drawn  up.  Four 
court  carriages,  escorted  by  a  platoon  of  guides, 
awaited  the  Prussian  Prince  and  conducted  him  and 
his  suite  to  the  Tuileries,  where  he  was  received  at 
the  foot  of  tlie  grand  staircase  by  the  grand  cham- 
berlain and  the  grand  master  of  ceremonies  ;  at  the 
head  of  the  staircase  by  the  Emperor,  surrounded  by 
his  officers  on  duty.  The  sovereign  afterwards  pre- 
sented him  to  the  Empress,  who  was  awaiting  him 
in  the  white  salon  with  the  officers  and  ladies  of  her 
household,  and  afterwards  conducted  him  to  the 
apartments  prepared  for  him  in  the  pavilion  of  Mar- 
san. In  the  evening  the  Prince  and  all  the  members 
of  his  suite  and  those  of  the  Prussian  legation  dined 
at  the  table  of  Their  Majesties. 

December  31,  at  one  o'clock,  the  Emperor  reviewed 
in  the  court  of  the  château  nine  regiments  of  the  line 
and  three  battalions  of  infantry,  all  of  whom  had 
made  the  Crimean  campaign.  The  troops  were  com- 
manded by  Marshal  Magnan.  Napoleon  III.,  escorted 
by  Marshals  Vaillant,  Baraguey  d'Hilliers,  Pélissier, 
Canrobert,  and  Bosquet,  had  the  Prince  of  Prussia  at 
his  side.  The  Empress,  surrounded  by  the  officers 
and  ladies  of  her  household,  was  on  the  balcony  of 
the  hall  of  Marshals.  After  passing  in  front  of  the 
troops,  the  Emperor,  stationing  himself  in  front  of 
the  pavilion  of  the  Horloge,  caused  the  flags  of  all 
the  companies  to  be  united  ;  then  in  the  presence  of 
these  glorious  ensigns,  torn  by  shot  and  shell,  he  dis- 


THE  PRINCE  OF  PRUSSIA  117 

tributed  the  crosses  and  military  medals  with  his  own 
hand.  During  the  review  the  Prince  Imperial,  com- 
ing from  the  palace  of  the  Tuileries,  passed  through 
the  line  of  soldiers,  who  cheered  him  heartily.  Could 
one  then  have  dreamed  that  he  in  whose  honor  this 
fine  review  was  given  would  be  so  fatal  to  both  the 
father  and  the  son  ? 

December  15,  the  Emperor  and  the  Prince  of 
Prussia  set  off  in  the  morning  for  Fontainebleau, 
where  they  were  to  spend  two  days  at  the  château. 
In  the  evening  the  city  was  illuminated.  The  next 
day  the  Emperor  with  the  Prince  reviewed  the  lan- 
cers of  the  guard.  The  Empress  arrived  at  eleven 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  There  was  a  hunt  with 
hounds  in  the  forest.  At  six  in  the  evening  Their 
Majesties  started  for  Paris  with  the  Prince  of 
Prussia. 

December  17.  Review  of  the  entire  imperial  guard 
in  the  court  of  the  Tuileries  and  on  the  Carrousel. 
The  Emperor  wore  the  broad  ribbon  of  the  Black 
Eagle,  and  the  Prince  of  Prussia  rode  at  his  side. 
He  was  accompanied  by  Marshals  Magnan,  de  Cas- 
tellane,  Baraguey  d'Hilliers,  Pélissier,  Canrobert,  and 
Bosquet,  and  the  Prussian  generals  of  the  Prince's 
suite,  the  Marquis  de  Villamarina,  Sardinian  minister, 
and  a  numerous  staff.  He  passed  in  front  of  the 
lines,  with  the  Prince  of  Prussia  next  to  the  troops, 
and  frequently  conversed  with  him.  Then  he  sta- 
tioned himself  before  the  pavilion  of  the  Horloge. 
At  this  moment  he  summoned  the  colonel  of  the  3d 


118        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND   EMPIRE 

grenadiers  of  the  guard  and  gave  him  the  eagle  of 
this  newly  formed  regiment.  The  colonel  uttered 
some  enthusiastic  words  and  carried  the  flag  to  his 
grenadiers.  The  march-by  then  began  in  perfect 
order.  In  spite  of  the  cold,  the  Empress  was  on  the 
balcony  of  the  hall  of  Marshals.  Among  the  ladies 
surrounding  her  were  Lady  Cowle}^  ambassadress  of 
England,  and  the  Countess  Hatzfeldt,  daughter  of 
Marshal  Castellane  and  wife  of  the  minister  of  Prus- 
sia at  Paris. 

In  the  evening,  the  Count  and  Countess  Hatzfeldt 
gave  a  grand  dinner  at  the  house  of  the  legation,  rue 
de  Lille,  in  honor  of  the  Prince.  Marshals  Vaillant, 
Magnan,  de  Castellane,  Baraguey  d'Hilliers,  Pélissier, 
Canrobert,  and  Bosquet,  all  the  ministers,  all  the 
great  officers  of  the  crown,  and  General  Renaud  de 
Saint-Jean  d'Angély,  were  present  at  this  repast. 
One  of  the  guests.  Marshal  Castellane,  wrote  in  his 
journal  :  "  The  Prince  of  Prussia  talks  well  and 
freely  ;  he  discussed  military  matters  in  a  way  that 
showed  he  knew  and  had  studied  his  trade  ;  he  is  a 
tall,  fair,  handsome  fellow,  very  polite,  and  with  dis- 
tinguished manners  ;  everybody  speaks  well  of  him." 

December  18.  Ball  of  five  hundred  persons  at  the 
Tuileries.  Their  Majesties  made  their  appearance  at 
ten  o'clock  with  the  Prince  of  Prussia,  and  remained 
until  three  in  the  morning.  The  ball  took  place  in 
the  hall  of  the  Marshals.  The  men  were  in  dress 
coats  with  knee  breeches  and  silk  stockings.  The 
Emperor    and    the    Empress  danced   the    cotillion. 


THE  PRINCE  OF  PRUSSIA  119 

which  lasted  more  than  an  hour,  with  much  anima- 
tion. The  supper  was  served  on  small  tables  in  the 
playhouse. 

Decemhe?'  19.  The  Prince  of  Prussia  visited  the 
school  of  Saint-Cyr.  Received  at  the  chief  entrance 
by  General  de  Monet  and  all  the  staff  of  the  school, 
he  requested  that  no  change  should  be  made  in  the 
order  of  exercises.  Two  platoons  of  cavalry,  com- 
posed of  pupils  of  the  second  year,  executed  all  the 
platoon  movements.  Shortl}'-  before  leaving  Saint- 
Cyr,  the  Prince  passed  in  front  of  the  pupils  as- 
sembled with  arms  and  baggage,  who  afterwards 
executed  the  manual  and  other  exercises.  His  Royal 
Highness  expressed  his  satisfaction  to  the  general 
commanding,  and  went  in  the  evening  to  the  Opéra, 
where  the  ballet  of  the  Corsair  was  given.  Rosati 
was  greatly  applauded. 

December  20.  The  Prince  dined  at  the  imperial 
table  and  afterwards  went  with  Their  Majesties  to 
the  Comédie-Française.  Hardly  had  the  Countess 
Hatzfeldt  entered  the  box  that  had  been  offered 
her  than  the  Emperor  and  Empress  sent  for  her  to 
come  to  theirs.  The  Prince  was  charmed  with  the 
courteous  reception  given  by  Napoleon  HI.  and  his 
court,  not  merely  to  himself  but  to  the  members 
of  his  suite  and  the  Prussian  legation.  At  this 
period  no  government  maintained  better  relations 
with  the  Emperor  than  did  the  Prussian. 

Deeember  21.  The  Prince  was  to  quit  Paris  at 
eleven  in  the  evening  with  the  Marquis  de  Toulon- 


120        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

geon,  orderly  officer  of  the  Emperor,  and  Count 
Riencourt,  equerry,  both  of  whom  were  to  accom- 
pany His  Royal  Highness  as  far  as  Strasbourg.  Be- 
fore departing  he  dined  at  the  imperial  table.  The 
Count  and  Countess  Hatzfeldt  had  also  been  invited. 
The  Countess  wrote  to  her  father  :  "  We  have  again 
been  invited  to  dine  at  the  Tuileries  ;  they  kept  us 
to  the  moment  of  the  Prince's  departure  for  the 
train.  He  has  left  Paris,  and  I  think  he  was  pleased 
with  what  he  saw  there  ;  moreover,  everybody  here 
is  well  pleased  with  him.  The  men  and  my  hus- 
band had  gone,  and  then  the  Emperor,  after  a  long 
consultation  with  the  Empress,  came  to  say  that  a 
table  was  to  be  arranged  for  a  lottery.  There  were 
magnificent  prizes,  and,  which  was  not  quite  a  matter 
of  chance,  I  won  a  charming  gold  bracelet  with  the 
word  Souvenir  written  on  it  in  diamonds.  This  was 
a  very  amiable  way  of  making  me  a  present.  No 
one  could  be  more  charming  than"  both  of  them  were 
to  us  on  this  occasion,  for,  while  being  most  polite, 
it  would  have  been  easy  to  show  us  less  attention." 

Very  well  inclined  toward  the  Prince,  whom  he 
thought  he  could  induce  to  enter  into  his  projects 
for  the  changing  of  the  map  of  Europe,  Napoleon  III. 
highly  appreciated  the  Countess  Hatzfeldt,  whose 
chief  aim  it  always  was  to  bring  about  a  sincere 
reconciliation  between  her  two  countries.  Who 
knows?  —  if  the  worthy  daughter  of  Marshal  Cas- 
tellane  had  been  ambassadress  to  Prussia  in  1870,  the 
Franco-Prussian  War  might  never  have  taken  place. 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE   COMMENCEMENT   OF    1857 

n~^HE  year  1857  opened  amidst  an  internal  and  ex- 
ternal  peace  which  it  seemed  that  nothing  need 
disturb.  There  was  a  reception  of  hidies  at  the  Tuil- 
eries in  the  evening  of  January  2.  Everybody  wore  a 
court  mantle  and  a  train.  Preceded  by  the  great  offi- 
cers of  the  crown,  Their  Majesties  went  to  the  throne- 
room,  v/here  they  seated  themselves  with  the  princes 
on  their  right  and  the  princesses  on  their  left.  All 
others  stood.  The  grand  chamberlain  having  received 
the  orders  of  the  Emperor,  the  reception  began. 
Each  lady  was  led'  to  the  Emperor  by  the  grand 
chamberlain,  and  to  the  Empress  by  the  grand  mis- 
tress of  her  household. 

It  had  been  announced  that  the  Emperor  would 
go  to  the  Gaieté  on  the  evening  of  January  3,  to  see 
a  melodrama  called  La  Fausse  Adultère,  very  much 
in  vogue  at  the  time.  He  was  prevented  by  a  ter- 
rible and  unexpected  calamitj^  the  assassination  of 
Monseigneur  Sibour,  Archbishop  of  Paris.  The 
prelate  had  gone  that  day  to  the  church  of  Saint 
Etienne-du-Mont,  where  a  novena  in  honor  of  Sainte 
Geneviève  was  in  progress.     He  had  just  made  the 

121 


122        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 


round  of  the  sanctuary,  blessing  the  kneeling  throng, 
when  a  man  issuing  from  the  crowd  sprang  upon 
and  struck  him  with  a  knife.  The  assassin  did  not 
try  to  escape.  Brandishing  his  knife  he  shouted: 
"  Down  with  the  goddesses  !  "  People  thought  he 
was  mad  ;  they  did  not  know  that  he  was  opposed 
to  the  dogma  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  and  was 
alluding  in  this  way  to  the  Blessed  Virgin  and  her 
mother.  His  name  was  Verger  and  his  age  thirty. 
He  was  a  suspended  priest  who  thought  he  had 
grounds  of  complaint  against  the  clergy  and  had 
determined  to  avenge  himself.  Although  the  Bishop 
of  Meaux  had  recently  written  him  :  "  We  think  you 
need  to  be  treated  in  a  private  hospital,"  the  doctors 
declared  him  responsible  after  an  examination,  and 
he  was  executed  on  the  place  de  la  Roquette,  in 
presence  of  an  immense  crowd,  during  the  night  of 
January  29. 

To  superstitious  people  the  murder  of  the  Arch- 
bishop may  have  seemed  a  fatal  omen  for  the  new 
year  and  the  stability  of  the  dynasty.  It  was  Mgr. 
Sibour  who  had  intoned  the  Te  Deum  at  the  time  of 
the  reëstablishment  of  the  Empire.  It  was  he  who 
had  received  the  Emperor  and  the  Empress  at  the 
door  of  Notre  Dame  on  the  da}^  of  their  marriage 
and  the  day  of  their  son's  baptism.  The  ball  which 
was  to  have  been  given  at  the  Tuileries  January  8 
was  countermanded,  and  on  the  10th  the  obsequies 
of  the  Archbishop  were  celebrated  with  great  pomp 
in   the   metropolitan   church.      Great    and    painful 


THE  COMMENCEMENT  OF  1857  123 

emotion  was  manifested,  but  the  sad  impression  was 
soon  dispelled.  Four  days  later  both  the  court  and 
the  city  had  resumed  all  their  usual  animation. 

January  14,  Prince  Napoleon  assembled  in  the 
Palais-Royal  all  general  officers  then  in  Paris  who 
had  taken  part  in  the  Crimean  War.  Among  the 
fifty-two  guests  were  Marshals  Pélissier  the  Duke  of 
Malakoff,  Canrobert,  and  Bosquet,  Admiral  Hamelin, 
Generals  Regnaud  de  Saint-Jean  d'Angely,  de  Salles, 
Niel,  and  MacMahon.  Prince  Naj^oleon  had.  begged 
his  father.  King  Jerome,  to  preside  at  this  military 
banquet,  where  nine  veterans  of  the  First  Empire 
were  present.  The  brother  of  NajDoleon  I.  proposed 
this  toast:  "To  the  Emperor,  the  Empress,  and  the 
Prince  Imperial,  to  whom  I  wish,  for  the  good  of  our 
dear  country  which  he  is  called  to  govern,  the  wis- 
dom and  skill  of  his  august  father," 

Prince  Napoleon  afterwards  raised  his  glass  in 
honor  of  the  commanders  in  chief  of  the  army  of  the 
Crimea.  He  spoke  as  follows  :  "  To  Marshal  Saint- 
Arnaud,  the  audacious  chief  who  died  after  tlie  Alma, 
having  the  tricolored  banner  of  regenerated  France 
as  his  shroud  ! 

"To  Marshal  Canrobert,  who  was  able  to  maintain 
the  army  amid  circumstances  so  difficult,  and  to  re- 
mit to  his  successor,  as  he  said  himself,  troops  inured 
to  war  and  ready  to  undertake  anything. 

"To  Marshal  Pélissier,  Duke  of  Malakoff,  who 
immortalized  himself  by  the  taking  of  Sebastopol,  and 
whose  rare   and  persevering  energy  enabled  him  to 


124        THE  COURT  OF  TEE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

overcome  the  obstacles  by  which  he  was  surrounded 
on  all  sides." 

The  Prince  afterwards  paid  a  touching  tribute  to 
the  brethren  in  arms  who  had  met  death  as  worthy 
sons  of  France,  and  thus  concluded  his  speech  : 
"  The  immense  advantage  of  this  war,  I  affirm  it  with 
pride,  is  that  you  have  proved  that  France  always  has 
her  grand  army." 

The  Marshal  Duke  of  MalakofP  replied:  "  ^vlon- 
seigneur,  it  falls  to  me  to  thank  Your  Imperial  High- 
ness for  assembling  us  around  the  brother  of  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  I.,  the  most  illustrious  of  the  re- 
maining representatives  of  his  imm.ortal  epopee.  .  .  . 
The  eulogies  you  have  given  the  army  I  had  the 
honor  to  command  are  all  the  more  precious  because 
they  happily  remind  us  that  Your  Imperial  Highness 
has  shared  its  labors  and  valiantly  contributed  to  its 
success." 

The  former  King  of  Westphalia  then  spoke  :  "  I 
thank  Marshal  Pélissier,"  said  he,  "  for  having  asso- 
ciated my  name  to  that  of  the  grand  army.  I  am 
glad  to  be  able  to  respond  by  proposing  a  toast  to  our 
brave  armies  by  land  and  sea,  and  in  particular  to 
our  glorious  army  of  the  Crimea,  which,  with  the 
swiftness  of  the  eagle,  has  seized  the  first  occasion 
to  place  itself  worthily  beside  the  old  phalanxes  of 
Marengo,  Austerlitz,  and  Jena." 

The  winter  of  1857  was  very  brilliant.  The  invi- 
tations to  the  grand  balls  at  the  Tuileries  were  very 
numerous.      These  were  official  festivities  intended 


THE  COMME^'-CEMENT  OF  1857  125 

especially  for  military  men  and  functionaries  ;  uni- 
form or  a  court  dress  was  indispensable.  On  every 
step  of  the  grand  staircase  stood  one  of  the  hundred- 
guards,  majestic  and  motionless  as  a  statue.  At  the 
moment  when  Their  Majesties,  followed  by  officers 
and  ladies  of  their  households,  left  the  salon  of  the 
First  Consul  and  entered  the  hall  of  Marshals,  an 
usher  announced  :  "  The  Emperor  !  "  and  the  orchestra 
began  the  air  of  Queen  Hortense  :  Partant  four  la 
Syrie.  The  sovereign  wore  the  uniform  of  a  general 
of  division,  white  knee  breeches  and  silk  stockings. 
The  Empress,  in  dazzling  toilet,  wore  on  head,  arms, 
and  neck  the  finest  diamonds  of  the  crown.  Their 
Majesties  always  opened  the  ball  by  a  quadrille  of 
honor,  in  which  age  did  not  prevent  great  personages 
from  figuring,  and  which  was  danced  in  the  hall  of 
the  Marshals.  Before  withdrawing,  the  Emperor 
and  Empress  passed  through  this  hall  and  the  gallery 
of  Peace,  where  dancing  was  likewise  going  on,  stop- 
ping here  and  there  before  those  to  whom  they  wished 
to  speak.  Splendidly  lighted,  the  château  presented 
a  magnificent  appearance,  but  it  was  not  well  adapted 
to  this  kind  of  festivities  ;  the  apartments  of  the 
Empress  not  being  open  to  the  guests,  there  was  no 
egress  by  way  of  the  salon  of  the  First  Consul,  the 
salon  of  Apollo,  the  throne-room,  and  the  salon  of 
Louis  XIV.,  and  it  was  not  easy  to  make  one's  way 
to  the  gallery  of  Diana,  where  supper  was  taken 
standing.  I  remember  what  pains  were  taken  by  the 
chamberlains  to  avoid  a  crush  at  the  entrance  of  this 


126        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

gallery.  But  these  grand  balls  at  the  Tuileries  were 
State  ceremonies,  more  pompous  than  elegant.  Two, 
much  more  select,  were  given  on  the  15th  and  the 
22d  of  January. 

The  Emperor  opened  the  session  in  the  hall  of 
Marshals,  February  16.  The  speech  from  the  throne 
was  essentially  pacific.  The  sovereign  declared  that 
as  the  best  intelligence  prevailed  among  all  the  great 
powers,  it  became  a  duty  to  labor  in  earnest  for  the 
development  of  the  forces  and  riches  of  the  nation. 
He  said  :  "  Although  the  moral  amelioration  and  the 
material  welfare  of  the  greater  number  is  the  aim 
towards  which  civilization  tends,  yet  we  must  not 
forget  that  it  marches  like  an  army.  Its  victories 
are  never  obtained  without  victims  and  sacrifices. 
These  rapid  means  which  facilitate  communication, 
displace  interests  and  throw  into  the  background 
countries  which  do  not  yet  possess  them  ;  these  use- 
ful machines  which  multiply  the  lal)or  of  man  set  him 
aside  in  the  first  instance  and  for  the  moment  leave 
many  hands  idle  ;  these  mines  which  circulate  through- 
out the  world  a  quantity  of  specie  hitherto  unknown, 
this  increase  of  public  wealth  which  increases  con- 
sumption tenfold,  tend  to  varj-  and  to  raise  the  value 
of  all  things  ;  this  inexhaustible  source  of  riches 
v/hich  is  called  credit,  begets  wonders,  and  yet  ex- 
aggerated speculation  entails  many  individual  ruins. 
Thence  arises  the  necessity  of  coming  to  the  aid  of 
those  who  cannot  keep  up  with  the  accelerated  march 
of  progress,  and  yet  to  do  so  without  retarding  prog- 


TUE  COMMENCEMENT  OF  1857  127 

ress.  Some  must  be  stimulated,  others  moderated; 
we  must  nourish  the  activity  of  this  breathless,  un- 
quiet, unreasonable  society  v/hich  in  France  expects 
everything  from  government,  and  which,  neverthe- 
less, must  be  confronted  with  the  limits  of  the  pos- 
sible and  the  calculations  of  reason." 

This  session  was  the  last  of  the  legislature.  In  his 
speech  from  the  throne  Napoleon  III.  thanked  the 
deputies  for  the  active  assistance  they  had  given  him 
since  1852.  He  ended  with  words  expressive  of 
joy  and  confidence  :  "  Strong  in  the  concurrence  of 
the  great  bodies  of  State  and  the  devotion  of  the 
army,  strong  above  all  in  the  support  of  the  people, 
who  know  that  all  my  time  is  devoted  to  their  in- 
terests, I  anticipate  a  hopeful  future  for  our  country. 
France,  without  interfering  with  the  rights  of  any 
one,  has  resumed  her  fitting  rank  in  the  world,  and 
may  now  securely  abandon  herself  to  all  that  the 
genius  of  peace  produces.  May  God  not  weary  of 
protecting  her,  and  then  that  may  soon  be  said  of 
her  which  was  written  of  the  Consulate  bj'-  a  states- 
man who  was  also  an  illustrious  and  national  his- 
torian :  '  Satisfaction  was  general  and  all  who  were 
free  from  the  evil  passions  of  parties  rejoiced  at  the 
public  power.'  " 

This  homage  rendered  to  M.  Thiers  was  regarded 
as  a  signal  of  conciliation  in  matters  of  internal 
policy,  and  many  even  imagined  that  the  minister 
of  Louis  Philippe  would  become  that  of  Napoleon 
III.     Parties  continued  to  disarm,  and  the  Emperor, 


128        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

at  the  summit  of  his  desires,  enjoyed  a  situation 
possibly  unique  in  the  world.  What  would  it  have 
cost  him  to  maintain  it  ?  Simply  to  resist  the  im- 
pulse to  adventures  and   always  to  preserve  peace. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

A  BALL  AT  THE  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS 

"VTAPOLEON  III.  passed  from  grave  to  gay. 
-^^  Monday,  February  16,  1857,  he  had  inaugu- 
rated the  legislative  session  in  the  majestic  apparel 
of  sovereignty.  The  next  day,  Tuesday,  February 
17,  hidden  beneath  the  folds  of  a  long  domino,  he 
was  present  at  a  fancy  ball  at  the  Ministry  of  For- 
eign Affairs. 

France  never  amuses  herself  well  except  when  vic- 
torious. For  her,  glory  must  walk  hand  in  hand 
with  pleasure.  One  may  say  that  since  her  disas- 
ters she  has  not  had  one  whole  day  of  real  gaiety. 
If  all  classes  of  Parisian  society  were  full  of  anima- 
tion and  vivacity  in  1857,  it  is  because  the  country 
had  nothing  but  successes  at  that  time.  Our  mis- 
fortunes have  made  us  serious.  Masks  and  disguises 
would  no  longer  be  suitable  in  official  society.  For 
such  diversions  a  young  sovereign  and  a  triumphant 
France  would  be  required. 

Nowadays  the  slightest  acts  and  doings  of  fash- 
ionable people  are  recorded  with  the  most  minute 
details  in  the  most  important  Parisian  journals.  The 
mania  for  publicity  has  assumed  strange  proportions, 
K  129 


130        TUE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

It  was  otherwise  at  the  beginning  of  the  Second 
Empire.  The  rubric  now  designated  under  the  new 
name  of  mondanités  did  not  exist  in  the  journals 
of  Paris,  and  it  was  in  the  correspondence  of  Brus- 
sels newspapers,  the  Indêperidance  Belge  and  the 
Nord  that  one  looked  for  the  echoes  of  magnificent 
fêtes  which,  if  they  occurred  to-day,  would  fill  the 
columns  of  all  the  Parisian  journals  with  descrip- 
tions. 

After  forty  years,  from  1857  to  1897,  I  remem- 
ber the  ball  I  am  going  to  describe  as  if  it  had  been 
given  yesterday,  so  powerfully  did  the  radiant  images 
of  the  women  who  shone  there  impress  my  imagina- 
tion. 

I  seem  to  perceive  at  the  entrance  of  the  salon, 
since  occupied  hy  a  large  picture  representing  the 
plenipotentiaries  of  the  Congress  of  Paris,  now  re- 
placed by  a  Gobelins  tapestry  after  Rubens,  the 
Count  Walewski,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  in  the 
costume  of  a  statesman  of  the  old  régime  —  the  coat 
black  velvet,  ornamented  with  jet  and  a  blue  ribbon. 
Opposite  the  minister,  and  like  him  receiving  the 
guests,  appears  the  Countess  Walewska,  delightful  as 
a  Diana,  the  huntress  of  a  Louis  XV.  ballet,  a  dia- 
mond crescent  on  her  forehead,  bow  in  hand,  a  tiger 
skin  on  her  shoulders  and  a  quiver  filled  with  golden 
arrows. 

The  salons  glitter  with  a  thousand  lights.  All  the 
greenhouses  of  Paris  have  been  stripped  to  adorn 
them  with  flowers.    The  coup  d'oeil  is  fairylike.    What 


A   BALL  AT  THE  FOBEIGN  AFFAIBS         131 

a  bevy  of  pretty  women  !  Here  is  the  Princess  Ma- 
thilde,  superb  in  blue  damask  ;  the  Princess  Joachim 
Murat  as  a  marquise  of  the  old  court,  in  a  robe  of 
white  damask  ornamented  with  diamonds  and  roses. 
Princess  Czartoryska,  daughter  of  Queen  Christina 
of  Spain  and  the  Duke  de  Rianzarès,  as  a  citizeness 
of  the  times  of  Louis  XVI.,  with  a  Necker  bonnet; 
the  quite  young  and  charming  Spanish  ambassadress 
Maréchale  Serrano  (since  Duchess  de  la  Torre),  in 
a  Middle  Age  costume,  high  robe  and  a  large  cross 
on  the  breast;  Madame  Fleury,  wife  of  the  general,  a 
grave  and  severe  beauty,  as  a  court  lady  of  Marie 
Antoinette,  in  a  flowered  gown  with  immense  paniers, 
hair  dressed  very  high  and  powdered  and  surmounted 
with  large  plumes  ;  Madame  Taigny  as  a  bat,  in 
pearl  gray  ;  Mademoiselle  Louise  Magnan,  daughter 
of  the  Marshal  of  France,  master  of  the  hounds,  in  a 
hunting  habit  of  the  time  of  Louis  XV.  ;  Lady  Cov/- 
ley,  English  ambassadress,  in  Queen  Anne  costume, 
Princess  Callimaki  in  that  of  Maria  de'  iNIedicis  ; 
Baroness  Seebach,  daughter  of  Chancellor  Nessel- 
rode,  wife  of  the  minister  of  Saxony  at  Paris,  as  a 
Russian  boyard  of  the  time  of  Peter  the  Great,  with 
a  cloth-of-gold  robe  heavily  furred  and  a  profusion  of 
jewels. 

The  majority  of  the  ministers,  generals,  diplomats, 
and  high  functionaries  are  in  black  coats  and  knee 
breeches,  with  the  Venetian  mantle.  A  certain  num- 
ber of  men  are  in  domino.  Some  whose  figure  and 
appearance  bear  some   resemblance  to  those  of   the 


132        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

Emperor,  flatter  themselves  as  likely  to  be  mistaken 
for  him.  Among  the  young  men  in  costume  I  dis- 
tinguish Count  Olympe  Aguado  as  a  AVallachian  ; 
M.  de  Chassiron  as  a  minion  of  the  court  of  Henry 
III.  ;  M.  Albert  de  Vatimesnil  in  a  Charles  IX.  dress, 
violet  and  gold  doublet  and  a  plumed  toque  ;  Count 
Armand  (since  minister  of  France  at  Lisbon)  is  very 
elegant  in  the  uniform  of  a  musketeer  of  the  Louis 
XV.  period;  Vicomte  de  Bresson  (since  minister  of 
France  at  Belgrade)  has  taken  a  Spanish  costume  in 
memory  of  his  uncle,  ambassador  of  Louis  Philippe 
at  Madrid. 

One  of  the  women  most  admired  is  the  daughter 
of  the  Marquis  du  Hallay-Coëtquen,  the  young  and 
superb  Countess  de  Brigode  (now  the  widow  of  her 
second  husband  Baron  de  Poilly).  Her  costume  is 
most  original  and  picturesque,  that  of  an  Indian 
equestrienne:  corsage  red  morocco,  covered  with 
pearls  and  glass  beads  of  different  colors,  skirts  of 
gauze  embroidered  with  foliage  and  flowers,  mingled 
with  gold  and  silver  threads  and  fringed  with  feathers. 
This  bizarre  costume  is  completed  by  a  panther's  head 
and  skin.  Above  the  forehead  of  the  amazon  appears 
this  head  with  green  eyes  the  color  of  her  own.  On 
every  side  escape  the  long  black  tresses  of  the  Coun- 
tess, whose  superb  figure  is  deformed  by  the  skin  of 
the  ferocious  beast. 

A  woman  has  just  entered  the  ballroom,  and  all 
eyes  are  presently  concentrated  on  her.  It  is  the 
Countess  de  Castiglione,  the  most  fashionable  of  the 


A  BALL  AT  THE  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS         133 

reigning  beauties.  For  a  year  society  has  been  talk- 
ing of  her.  Henry  de  Pêne  wrote  in  the  Iford,  in 
February,  1856  :  "Decidedly,  the  queen  of  the  season 
has  been  appointed.  It  is  that  incomparable  beauty 
sent  us  by  Italy,  Madame  the  Countess  de  Castiglione. 
The  Italian  ivoman  in  Paris^  such  is  the  title  of  a 
symphony  chanted  by  admiration  from  morning  to 
night  and  from  night  to  morning.  Every  one  seeks 
to  outvie  his  neighbor  in  praising  her  profile,  her  hair, 
her  eyes  ;  and,  supreme  consecration  of  her  roj^alty, 
she  already  has  enemies." 

Virginia  Oldoïni,  Countess  Verasis  de  Castiglione, 
was  born  in  Florence  in  1840.  She  belongs  to  one  of 
the  best  families  in  the  city  of  the  Medici.  She  lost 
her  mother  early,  and  her  father,  the  Marquis  Oldoïni, 
a  mere  embassy  attaché  when  he  became  a  widower, 
afterwards  attained  the  highest  grades  of  the  diplo- 
matic career.  He  was  for  a  long  time  minister  of 
Italy  at  Lisbon.  Through  her  mother,  Virginia 
Oldoïni  is  the  granddaughter  of  the  great  Tuscan 
jurisconsult,  Antonio  Laraporecchi.  It  was  in  his 
palace  on  the  banks  of  the  Arno  at  Florence  that  her 
earliest  years  were  spent.  While  yet  a  child  her 
charms  made  her  famous  in  Florentine  society.  By 
the  time  she  was  thirteen  she  had  a  box  of  her  own 
at  the  Pergola  and  her  private  carriage  at  the  Cas- 
éine. When  barely  fifteen  she  married  a  Piedmont- 
ese.  Count  Verasis  de  Castiglione,  who  became 
equerry  to  King  Victor  Emmanuel.  She  has  ex- 
cited   general    enthusiasm   in   Turin,    London,   and 


134        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

Paris.  Count  Henri  d'Ideville  has  said  of  her  in  his 
Journal  d'un  Diplomate  :  "  It  is  agreed  that  she  is 
marvellously  beautiful  ;  but  I  would  boldly  affirm  in 
addition  that  she  surpasses  many  women  by  a  supe- 
riority of  intelligence  and  character  which  in  no  wise 
yields  to  that  superiority  of  grace,  elegance,  and 
beauty,  which  each  of  them  concedes  to  her."  In 
the  preface  of  this  book  an  academician,  M.  Edouard 
Hervé,  describes  her  as  follows  :  "  A  woman  whose 
beauty  Greece  would  have  divinized,  and  who  would 
have  been  reserved  as  a  model  for  a  Phidias  or  a 
Praxiteles  ;  an  antique  marble  which  has  wandered 
into  our  profane  century." 

The  Countess  is  not  lavish  of  herself.  She  seldom 
appears  in  society.  Whenever  she  does  so  it  is  an 
event.  Behold  her  entering  the  salons  of  the  Min- 
istry of  Foreign  Affairs  in  the  middle  of  the  fête. 
She  is  dressed  as  the  queen  of  hearts,  a  symbolic 
costume,  for  it  is  an  allusion  to  the  innumerable 
hearts  which  the  Countess  "draws  after  her,"  as 
Racine  would  have  said.  On  her  head  glitters  a 
crown  formed  of  hearts.  Her  marvellous  hair  rip- 
ples around  her  forehead  and  falls  in  cascades  on  her 
neck.  Her  skirts  and  corsage  are  laced  with  chains 
composed  of  hearts.  Her  train  is  caught  up  on  the 
hip.     'Tis  a  bewitching  costume. 

Who  is  this  rag-picker  whose  extreme  elegance 
causes  a  sensation  ?  Oh  the  charming  costume  ! 
Knee  breeches  of  white  satin  ;  flesh-colored  silk 
stockings  ;  a  vest  also  of  white  satin  spangled  with 


A   BALL  AT  THE  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS         135 

gold  suns  and  hearts  ;  a  black  velvet  mask  on  the 
face  ;  on  the  head  a  policeman's  cap  adorned  with 
a  string  of  diamonds;  a  basket  of  gilded  osier  on 
the  back  containing  bouquets  of  gardenias  and 
white  camellias  which  the  gallant  rag-picker  dis- 
tributes to  the  ladies  as  he  passes  ;  in  the  right 
hand  a  silver  hook,  in  the  left  a  lighted  lantern 
whose  glass  door  bears  in  colors  the  blazon  :  "  Hearts 
and  suns."  This  is  the  lantern  of  Diogenes.  The 
rag-picker  sees  a  blue  domino  who  is  walking  slowly. 
He  recognizes  the  Emperor  by  his  figure,  and  going 
up  to  him  he  says  :  "  I  am  looking  for  a  man  ;  I  have 
found  him,"  and  he  extinguishes  his  lantern.  This 
amiable  rag-picker  is  a  young  diplomate,  Count  Ame- 
lot  de  Chaillou,  whose  career  has  since  been  brilliant, 
and  who  has  been  minister  of  France,  first  at  Buenos 
Ayres,  where  he  adopted  the  niece  of  a  cacique  who 
had  been  made  a  prisoner  of  war  and  whose  tribe  had 
been  nearly  destroyed,  and  afterwards  at  Brazil,  where 
the  Emperor  Dom  Pedro  treated  him  as  a  friend. 

The  two  persons  of  whom  every  one  is  chiefly 
thinking  at  the  ball  are  those  one  does  not  see  but 
whom  each  tries  to  discover  under  their  sheltering 
dominos.  Count  Amelot  de  Chaillou  has  recognized 
the  Emperor.     But  where  is  the  Empress? 

Two  women  in  dominos  are  seated  on  a  bench  in 
the  middle  of  the  salon  beside  the  ballroom  which 
ends  in  the  supper  room.  I  approach  these  women. 
The  sound  of  their  voices  is  familiar  to  me  and  re- 
veals their  identity.     One  is  the  sovereign,  the  other 


136        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

her  lady  of  the  palace,  the  beautiful  Countess  Gus- 
tave de  Montebello,  wife  of  the  Emperor's  aide-de- 
camp. I  am  dressed  as  a  page  of  Marie  Antoinette, 
and  they  are  the  functions  of  a  page  with  which  the 
Empress  has  the  kindness  to  invest  me.  She  charges 
me  to  seek  out  the  persons  with  whom  she  wishes  to 
speak,  among  others  General  Canrobert  in  domino, 
and  an  envoy  of  the  Bey  of  Tunis  wearing  a  very 
correct  costume  as  an  Arab  chief.  This  was  General 
Kherédine,  who  afterwards  entered  the  service  of  the 
Sultan  and  became  his  Grand  Vizier.  Towards  the 
close  of  the  evening  the  two  dominos  disappeared 
without  my  having  the  indiscretion  to  follow  them. 
A  little  later,  when  the  majority  of  the  guests  had 
gone  into  the  supper  room,  I  saw  two  mysterious 
women  drawing  near  the  table  where  people  supped 
standing.  One  of  them  had  discarded  her  domino 
and  wore  a  delightful  Bohemian  costume.  The  mask 
which  hid  the  lower  part  of  her  face  did  not  alto- 
gether conceal  her  glowing  beauty.  Impossible  to 
dream  of  a  more  graceful  gait,  a  finer  figure,  eyes 
more  sparkling.  The  Empress  —  for  it  was  she  — 
seeing  that  I  recognized  her,  asked  if  I  belonged  to 
the  Inquisition.  I  replied  that  the  inquisitors  made 
their  neighbors  tremble,  while  for  my  part  I  was 
trembling  before  her.  Her  Majesty  deigned  to  reas- 
sure me  by  some  kindly  words,  and  asked  by  what 
means  I  came  to  recognize  her.  I  said  that  it  v/as  by 
her  fan,  "a  talisman,"  I  added,  "  who  knows  ;  perhaps 
a  sceptre  ;  in  Miy  case,  that  of  beauty." 


CHAPTER  XVII 

THE    GRAND    DUKE    CONSTANTINE    AND    THE    KING 
OF  BAVAEIA 

"FN  the  spring  of  1857  Napoleon  III.  received  a 
visit  to  whicli  great  importance  was  rightfully- 
attached,  for  it  was  the  prelude  and  the  pledge  of  a 
definitive  reconciliation  between  the  French  and  the 
Russians.  His  guest  was  the  Grand  Duke  Constan- 
tine,  brother  of  Czar  Alexander  II.  Born  Septem- 
ber 9,  1827,  Constantine  Nicolaievitch,  grand  admiral 
of  Russia,  a  prince  of  lofty  intelligence,  was  an  ardent 
patriot.  Having  enthusiastically  approved  the  ortho- 
dox zeal  and  the  warlike  policy  of  his  father,  the 
Emperor  Nicholas,  he  was  bent  on  carrying  the  war  in 
the  Crimea  to  extremities  so  long  as  hostilities  were 
in  progress.  His  arrival  in  Paris  was  the  beginning 
of  a  new  era. 

The  Grand  Duke  arrived  at  Toulon  April  20,  on  the 
steam  frigate  Olaff,  accompanied  by  the  screw-steamer 
Wiborg  and  two  frigates.  The  French  squadron  of 
evolution,  commanded  by  Vice-Admiral  Trehouart, 
was  ranged  in  two  lines  in  the  roadstead  traversed  by 
the  Russian  squadron.     Sailors  standing  in  the  yards 

137 


138        TEE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

saluted  the  passage  of  the  Grand  Duke,  who  was  also 
greeted  by  a  volley  of  artillery  from  all  the  French 
vessels.  As  soon  as  the  Olaff  was  moored  to  the  new 
chain  at  the  entry  of  the  arsenal,  Vice-Admirals 
Tréhouart  and  Dubourdieu  went  aboard  the  Russian 
frigate  to  pay  their  respects  to  the  Grand  Duke,  who 
afterwards  landed  at  the  arsenal,  where  he  reviewed 
the  naval  troops.  The  next  day  he  visited  all  the 
vessels  of  the  French  squadron.  April  23,  he  was 
present,  with  the  officers  of  the  French  squadron, 
at  a  ball  given  in  his  honor  by  the  maritime  prefect. 
April  25,  he  visited  the  arsenal  and  went  aboard  the 
Suffren,  a  school  ship  of  naval  cannoneers,  where  all 
the  school  exercises  and  some  firing  with  solid  shot 
were  performed  in  his  presence.  April  26,  he  heard 
Mass  on  board  the  Wiborg.  On  that  day  the  officers 
of  the  French  marine  gave  the  officers  of  the  Russian 
marine  a  dinner  on  board  the  Bretagne,  the  admiral's 
ship.  The  27th,  the  Grand  Duke  went  by  post  to 
Marseilles.  Returning  to  Toulon  the  following 
day  he  embarked  on  the  French  despatch  boat, 
the  ^claireîir,  placed  at  his  disposal  to  witness  the 
launching  of  a  packet  belonging  to  the  Imperial 
Messageries. 

The  Grand  Duke  reached  Paris  at  five  o'clock  on 
the  last  day  of  April.  Prince  Napoleon  was  await- 
ing him  at  the  Gare  de  Lyon,  which  was  draped  with 
French  and  Russian  colors.  One  of  the  halls  had 
been  arranged  as  a  reception  room,  and  its  benches 
were   occupied   by   a  large   number   of    ladies,   the 


CONSTANTINE  AND   THE  KING   OF  BAVARIA      139 

majority  of  whom  belonged  to  high  Russian  society. 
The  Grand  Duke  was  welcomed  by  Marshal  Magnan, 
the  prefect  of  the  Seine,  the  prefect  of  police,  Gen- 
eral Luders,  Count  Kisseleff  the  Russian  ambassador, 
the  minister  of  Wiirtemberg,  and  all  the  personnel 
of  their  legations.  The  double  row  was  formed  by  a 
battalion  of  grenadiers  of  the  guard  and  another  of 
the  line.  The  Grand  Duke,  accompanied  by  Prince 
Napoleon,  entered  a  carriage  drawn  by  four  horses. 
The  cortege,  escorted  by  two  squadrons  of  the  regi- 
ment of  guides,  crossed  the  boulevards,  the  rue  de 
la  Paix,  the  rue  de  Rivoli,  passed  beneath  the  arch  of 
the  Carrousel,  and  arrived  at  the  Tuileries  between  a 
double  line  formed  by  a  battalion  of  gendarmerie  of 
the  guard.  Awaiting  the  Grand  Duke  at  the  head 
of  the  staircase  of  honor,  the  Emperor  received  him 
most  graciously  and  led  him  into  the  salon  where  the 
Empress  was.  In  the  evening  the  Prince  dined  at 
the  table  of  Their  Majesties  with  all  the  members  of 
his  suite.  Count  Kisseleff,  Prince  Tolstoy,  secretary 
of  the  Russian  embassy,  and  Colonel  Albedinski, 
were  also  present  at  the  dinner. 

The  Grand  Duke  visited  the  Louvre,  May  2.  In 
the  museum  of  sovereigns  he  examined  carefully  the 
objects  which  had  belonged  to  Charlemagne,  Saint 
Louis,  Anne  of  Brittany,  Francis  I.,  Henry  IL, 
Henry  III.,  Henry  IV.  He  seemed  especially  cap- 
tivated by  the  camp  bed  of  Napoleon,  his  little  hat, 
and  his  gray  overcoat.  In  the  naval  museum,  which 
he   \'isited  last,  he   found   occasion   to   display  the 


140        TEE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

extent  of  his  naval  acquirements.  In  the  evening 
he  was  present  at  a  ball  at  the  Ministry  of  Marine, 
where  he  made  the  round  of  the  salons  with  the 
Princess  Mathilda  on  his  arm. 

The  Grand  Duke  remained  in  Paris  until  the  14th 
of  May.  On  the  6th  he  was  entertained  at  the  Hôtel 
de  Ville  by  the  municipal  council,  who  offered  him 
what  was  called  a  restricted  fête,  the  Emperor  having 
decided  that  the  city  should  reserve  all  great  fêtes 
for  crowned  heads,  with  the  exception  of  those 
motived  by  some  national  ceremony.  On  the  11th 
he  accompanied  the  imperial  family  to  Fontainebleau, 
where  they  remained  until  the  evening  of  the  Grand 
Duke's  departure  from  Paris. 

The  visit  of  the  Grand  Duke  Constantine  was 
immediately  succeeded  by  that  of  Maximilian  II., 
King  of  Bavaria.  At  that  time  the  minister  of 
France  at  Munich  was  the  Baron  de  Méneval,  son  of 
the  secretary  of  Napoleon  I.  The  Baron,  who  soon 
afterwards  renounced  the  diplomatic  career  in  order 
to  become  a  priest,  had  written  to  Count  Walewski, 
January  28, 1857  :  "  I  am  well  aware,  although  Baron 
Von  der  Pfordten  has  not  yet  officially  apprised  me 
of  it,  that  it  is  King  Maximilian's  greatest  desire  to 
spend  some  weeks  in  Paris  during  the  coming  month 
of  May.  A  person  whose  position  and  close  connec- 
tion with  the  court  of  Bavaria  are  such  as  to  make 
him  cognizant  of  the  King's  sentiments  has  confided 
this   desire   to  me,  adding  that  His  Majesty  would 


CONSTANTINE  AND  THE  KING  OF  BAVABIA     141 


probably  not  return  to  Munich  without  gratifying 
an  old  inclination  to  go  and  offer  the  Emperor  the 
homage  of  his  respectful  sympathy." 

May  12,  Baron  de  Méneval  said  in  another  de- 
spatch :  "  Public  attention  and  interest  are  directed 
toward  the  stay  the  King  intends  to  make  in  Paris. 
Pride  and  sensitiveness,  the  two  dominant  passions 
of  the  German  character,  are,  I  must  say,  somewhat 
preoccupied  with  the  reception  awaiting  the  King  at 
the  Imperial  court,  as  well  as  with  the  impression  he 
may  produce  there.  The  public,  and  above  all  the 
Bavarian  court,  view  with  some  apprehension  the 
approach  of  King  Maximilian  to  that  dazzling  scene 
where  he  will  be  confronted  with  the  splendor  and 
grandeur  surrounding  the  throne  and  the  person  of 
i^^  Emperor.  For  my  own  part,  I  am  convinced 
that  the  result  of  this  visit  will  be  satisfactory,  and 
that  it  will  leave  the  best  and  most  satisfactory 
impressions  on  the  mind  of  the  King.  France,  in 
fact,  can  but  win  increasing  confidence  and  admira,- 
tion  in  Europe,  by  offering  to  foreign  sovereigns  the 
noble  and  cordial  hospitality  for  which  they  are  so 
eager  and  so  grateful." 

Born  September  28,  1802,  Maximilian  II.  was  the 
eldest  son  of  King  Louis  II.  He  was  the  pupil  of 
Schelling.  In  consequence  of  his  father's  abdication 
he  ascended  the  throne  March  21, 1848.  Well  versed 
himself  in  philosophical  studies,  he  protected  letters 
and  the  sciences.  In  1842  he  had  married  a  Prussian 
Princess,  Marie,  daughter  of  William,  uncle  of  Fred- 


142        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIUE 

eric  William  IV.,  King  of  Prussia.  He  was  the 
brother  of  Otho,  King  of  Greece. 

Maximilian  II.  arrived  at  Lyons,  at  the  Gare  de 
Perrache,  at  half-past  six  in  the  evening  of  May  15. 
Twenty-one  discharges  of  cannon  were  fired  as  he 
left  the  station.  Troops  of  all  arms  formed  a  double 
line  from  the  station  to  the  Hotel  de  l'Europe  where 
the  King  was  to  alight.  Marshal  Castellane,  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  army  of  Lyons,  rode  at  the 
right  side  of  his  carriage.  Generals  Count  Partou- 
neaux  and  Luzy-Bouat  succeeded  each  other  at  the 
left  accordingly  as  the  King  passed  in  front  of  their 
respective  divisions. 

Marshal  Castellane  wrote  in  his  journal  :  "  The 
King  of  Bavaria  is  about  five  feet  four  inches  in 
height.  He  is  learned  and  obliging;  he  says  ami- 
able things.  He  is  fond  of  the  arts.  He  is  the 
grandson  of  King  Maximilian  I.,  who,  under  the 
name  of  Prince  Max,  commanded  the  foreign  regi- 
ment of  the  Deux-Ponts  in  the  service  of  France 
under  Louis  XVI." 

To  receive  the  Bavarian  sovereign  Napoleon  III. 
had  sent  to  Lyons  his  aide-de-camp,  General  Baron 
de  Béville,  his  equerry  Count  de  Riencourt,  and 
Count  Charles  Tascher  de  La  Pagerie,  first  chamber- 
lain of  the  Empress.  Concerning  the  latter  Marshal 
Castellane  adds  :  "  Count  Charles  de  La  Pagerie, 
son  of  the  grand  master  of  the  Empress's  household, 
is  a  man  of  forty-five  ;  he  was  educated  in  Bavaria, 
where  he  has  been  a  page.     He  is  an  excellent  man." 


CON  STAN  TINE  AND   THE  KING   OF  BAVARIA      143 

On  the  17th  the  King  left  Lyons  for  Paris.  Just 
as  he  was  about  entering  the  train,  the  Marshal  pre- 
sented to  him  the  generals,  who,  after  he  had  passed 
in  front  of  their  brigades,  had  all  gone  to  the  station. 
The  King  was  amiable  to  each  of  them,  and  said  he 
should  never  forget  the  attentions  paid  him  at  Lyons. 

We  have  said  that  the  Grand  Duke  Constantine 
left  Fontainebleau  the  14th  of  May.  The  Emperor 
and  Empress  had  remained  there  to  await  the  King 
of  Bavaria,  who  was  expected  on  the  17th.  There  was 
a  hunting  party  in  the  forest  on  the  16tl],  but  Napo- 
leon III.  was  not  present.  Having  learned  that  the 
health  of  Senator  Vieillard,  one  of  his  oldest  friends, 
was  causing  great  anxiety,  he  took  the  first  train, 
accompanied  only  by  General  de  Montebello,  and 
went  in  a  cab  from  the  Lyons  station  to  the  house 
of  the  man  whom  he  had  loved  from  childhood. 
He  profited  also  by  this  circumstance  to  bid  another 
farewell  to  the  Grand  Duke  Constantine,  who  was 
to  go  away  that  evening. 

The  King  of  Bavaria  arrived  at  Fontainebleau  at 
six  o'clock  in  the  evening.  He  was  received  at  the 
station  by  Marshal  Magnan,  General  Fleury,  the 
prefect  of  Seine-and-Marne,  and  the  general  com- 
manding the  department.  Several  court  carriages 
awaited  the  sovereign  and  his  suite.  A  squadron 
of  chasseurs  of  the  guard  formed  the  escort.  In  the 
court  of  the  Cheval-Blanc,  also  called  the  court  of 
the  Adieux,  a  battalion  of  grenadiers  of  the  guard 
formed  a  double  line.     A  detachment  of   hundred- 


144        TUE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

guards  was  drawn  up  on  the  steps  of  the  horseshoe 
staircase.  Followed  by  the  officers  of  his  household, 
the  Emperor  went  to  the  foot  of  the  stairs  to  receive 
the  King.  The  Empress  with  all  her  ladies  stood 
at  the  top.  The  presentations  were  made  in  the 
gallery  of  Francis  L,  and  the  dinner  served  in  the 
gallery  of  Henry  III.,  decorated  with  the  frescoes  of 
Primaticcio. 

Mai/  18.  Napoleon  III.  and  the  King  of  Bavaria 
got  into  a  small  carriage  which  the  Emperor  himself 
drove,  and  visited  the  environs.  On  the  same  day 
some  invited  guests  from  Paris  came  to  spend  a 
week  at  the  château.  In  the  evening  the  actors  of 
the  Comédie-Française  played  the  Bataille  de  Dames, 
by  Scribe  and  Legouvé.  Many  invitations  for  this 
representation  had  been  sent  out  to  the  principal 
functionaries  and  notabilities  of  the  city,  as  well  as 
to  the  officers  of  the  garrison.  The  next  morning 
the  Emperor  presided  at  a  ministerial  council.  In 
the  afternoon  he  went  out  for  a  drive  with  the  King 
of  Bavaria  in  a  wagonette.  The  Dowager  Grand 
Duchess  of  Baden,  the  Princess  Marie,  Duchess  of 
Hamilton,  and  all  the  other  guests,  took  a  long  stroll 
in  the  forest.  In  the  evening,  the  Emperor  offered 
to  his  royal  guest  a  night  fête,  which  was  enchanting. 
At  ten  o'clock,  thousands  of  Bengal  lights  illumi- 
nated the  English  garden  and  lighted  up  the  entire 
architecture  of  the  palace.  The  lake  was  furrowed 
by  boats  draped  with  flags  and  ornamented  with 
colored  lamps.     Choruses  from  the  Opéra,  placed  in 


CONST ANTINE  AND  THE  KING  OF  BAVABIA      145 

the  little  pavilion  in  the  middle  of  the  lake,  alter- 
nated with  the  band  of  the  grenadiers  of  the  guard. 
A  display  of  fireworks  composed  by  Ruggieri,  the 
pieces  of  which  were  wafted  just  above  the  level  of 
the  water  before  the  final  bouquet,  brought  to  a  close 
an  entertainment  which  had  been  favored  by  splen- 
did weather. 

May  24.  The  Emperor,  the  Empress,  and  the 
King  of  Bavaria  heard  Mass  in  the  chapel  of  the 
château.  Afterwards  they  started  for  Paris,  where 
they  were  received  at  the  Gare  de  Lyon  by  Prince 
Napoleon,  who  had  returned  the  day  before  from 
Germany.  The  King  dined  in  the  apartments  he 
occupied  in  the  pavilion  of  Marsan. 

May  27.  The  King  received  the  diplomatic  corps 
in  his  apartments  at  the  Tuileries.  In  the  evening 
the  Emperor  gave  a  grand  dinner,  after  which  the 
Bavarian  sovereign  went  to  the  Opéra,  where  they 
were  playing  the  Trouvère.  On  the  29th  he  visited 
the  tomb  of  Napoleon,  the  church  of  Sainte  Clotilde 
and  the  Sainte-Chapelle.  In  the  evening  he  was 
present  at  a  representation  at  the  Gymnase. 

May  31.  Baron  de  Méneval  wrote  from  Munich 
to  Count  Walewski  :  "  The  welcome  which  the  King 
of  Bavaria  is  now  receiving  in  France,  the  atten- 
tions of  which  he  is  the  recipient  at  the  hands  of  the 
Emperor,  touch  both  the  heart  and  the  vanity  of  his 
subjects  very  sensibl3^  I  am  perfectly  convinced 
that  his  sojourn  in  Paris  will  greatly  heighten  the 
personal  esteem  and   consideration   in  which   lie   is 


146        TUE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

held  by  the  Bavarians.  The  splendor  which  sur- 
rounds the  Emperor,  the  admiration  felt  for  him  by 
his  friends  as  well  as  by  his  enemies  in  Germany,  the 
high  idea  generally  entertained  of  his  character  and 
his  judgment,  do  in  fact  give  infinite  value  to  the 
kindliness  with  which  he  receives,  and  seem  to 
heighten  the  merit  of  the  Prince  who  is  now  his 
guest.  I  meet  no  one  who  is  not  effusive  to  me 
concerning  the  magnificent  and  cordial  welcome 
which  the  King  is  receiving  in  Paris.  I  know  that 
he  is  himself  profoundly  affected  by  it,  and  that  his 
letters  to  the  Queen  are  filled  with  gratitude  towards 
the  Emperor.  The  effect  produced  upon  him  by  this 
journey  will,  I  think,  be  lasting,  and  I  congratulate 
myself  on  having  contributed  to  inspire  him  with  the 
idea." 

June  2,  in  honor  of  his  guest,  the  Emperor  re- 
viewed eight  regiments  of  cavalry  and  six  mounted 
batteries  on  the  grounds  of  the  hippodrome  at  Long- 
champs.  The  Empress  and  the  Dowager  Grand 
Duchess  of  Baden  appeared  in  an  open  calash  in 
front  of  the  troops.  The  following  day,  the  King 
visited  Versailles,  dined  at  Paris  with  the  Bavarian 
minister.  Baron  Wendland,  and  went  to  the  Porte 
Saint-Martin. 

June  4,  the  Emperor  held  another  review  at  the 
hippodrome  of  Longchamps  in  presence  of  the  King. 
The  troops  were  infantry,  engineers,  and  a  regiment 
of  the  foot  artillery  of  the  guard.  After  the  evolu- 
tions, the  two  sovereigns  went  over  in  front  of  the 


CONSTANTIXE  AND   THE  KING   OF  BAVARIA      1-17 

tribunes,  where  the  Empress  had  just  made  her  ap- 
pearance. The  King  dined  with  Their  Majesties  at 
the  château  of  Saint-Cloud,  and  chatted  in  the  most 
gracious  manner  with  all  the  courtiers.  He  charged 
the  Marquise  de  Contades  to  remember  him  kindly 
to  her  father.  Marshal  Castellane,  and  told  her  and 
her  sister,  the  Countess  Hatzfeldt,  wife  of  the  Prus- 
sian minister,  that  he  had  been  much  pleased  at 
Lyons,  where  he  had  bought  some  beautiful  stuffs 
for  the  Queen.  On  the  8th  of  the  month  he  left 
Paris  to  return  to  his  dominions.  On  the  17th, 
Baron  de  Méneval  addressed  the  following  despatch 
to  Count  Walewski  :  "  The  King  retains  the  pro- 
foundest  and  most  grateful  memory  of  his  stay  at 
Fontainebleau  and  at  Paris.  Although  it  is  a  cus- 
tom at  the  Bavarian  court  that  foreign  ministers 
never  obtain  audience  of  the  King  except  to  present 
their  credentials  or  cabinet  communications,  His 
Majesty  has  nevertheless  chosen  to  depart  from  this 
etiquette,  very  rigorously  observed  in  other  cases,  in 
order  to  express  to  me  in  person  the  gratitude  and 
admiration  inspired  in  him  by  the  welcome  of  Their 
Imperial  Majesties.  The  King  sent  for  me  to  come 
to  his  cabinet  this  morning,  and  very  kindly  described 
to  me,  in  the  greatest  detail,  the  different  episodes  of 
his  sojourn  in  France.  He  spoke  with  genuine  en- 
thusiasm of  the  grandeur  and  splendor  which  envi- 
ron the  throne  of  the  Emperor,  of  the  nobility  of  his 
character,  the  dignity  of  his  person,  and  the  affa- 
bility of  his  manners.     His  Majesty's  praises  of  the 


148        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

kindliness  and  beauty  of  the  Empress  were  inex- 
haustible. 

"  '  Your  Emperor,'  he  said  to  me,  '  is  not  merely 
the  greatest  sovereign  of  Europe,  he  is  also  the  best 
of  men.  I  have  had  long  and  interesting  conversa- 
tions with  him,  and  consequently  I  have  had  occa- 
sion to  appreciate  the  kindness  of  his  heart  and  the 
sureness  of  his  judgment.  I  love  him  as  much  as  I 
admire  him,  and  I  have  the  utmost  confidence  in  the 
loftiness  of  his  character  and  the  nobility  of  his  sen- 
timents.' 

"  To  receive  me,  the  King  had  put  on  the  insignia 
of  the  order  of  the  Legion  of  Honor,  a  thing  he  has 
done  for  no  one  else,  which  he  told  me  had  been  con- 
ferred by  the  Emperor  in  person." 

At  this  period,  the  relations  of  France  with  all  the 
Germanic  states,  without  exception,  were  intimate. 
Napoleon  by  no  means  suspected  that  Germany, 
whose  language  he  spoke  so  well,  whose  literature 
he  admired  so  much,  for  which  he  had  such  a  genu- 
ine sympathy,  so  real  a  predilection,  and  whose  sov- 
ereigns showed  him  so  great  a  deference,  would  one 
day,  through  a  grievous  and  terrible  misunderstand- 
ing, become  so  fatal  to  him  and  to  France. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

PRINCE  NAPOLEON   IN   GERMANY 

"TN  1857,  Napoleon  III.  was  endeavoring  to  concili- 
-^  ate  Russia,  Prussia,  and  the  secondary  states  of 
Germany,  which  he  wished  to  detach  from  Austria 
in  anticipation  of  the  day  when  he  would  have  to 
fight  against  that  power  and  make  war  in  Italy.  He 
sent  Prince  Napoleon  as  an  official  envoy  to  Berlin 
and  Dresden  at  the  very  time  Avhen  the  Grand  Duke 
Constantine  and  the  King  of  Bavaria  were  receiving 
a  brilliant  and  cordial  welcome  at  the  Court  of  the 
Tuileries. 

From  the  time  when  he  left  France,  Prince  Napo- 
leon maintained  an  irreproachable  attitude.  No 
more  paradoxical  tirades,  no  more  audacious  theories, 
no  further  trace  of  the  demagogue  or  the  tribune. 
The  former  member  of  the  extreme  left  disappeared. 
Nothing  remained  but  the  great  noble,  the  imperial 
highness,  the  son  and  grandson  of  kings.  In  every 
foreign  court  where  he  appeared  during  the  reign  of 
his  cousin  his  success  was  complete. 

Leaving  Paris  May  7,  1857,  the  Prince  arrived  the 
same  day  at  Cologne.  At  J\Iagdeburg  he  abandoned 
the  strict  incognito  until  then  preserved.     The  recep- 

149 


150        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

tion  given  him  in  the  latter  city  was  splendid.  Gen- 
eral de  Brandt  and  Major  de  Treskow,  attached  to 
his  person  during  his  stay  in  Prussia,  were  awaiting 
him  there  ;  the  first  had  served  with  distinction  in 
Spain  in  the  armies  of  Napoleon  I.,  and  the  second 
had  made  several  campaigns  in  Algeria  with  the 
French  troops. 

The  Prince  arrived  in  Berlin  May  8.  He  was  re- 
ceived at  the  station  by  Prince  George  of  Prussia, 
Princes  August  and  William  of  Wiirtemberg,  Prince 
William  of  Baden,  Marquis  de  Moustier,  minister  of 
France,  and  the  personnel  of  the  legation.  On  his 
way  to  the  king's  palace  he  was  received  with  re- 
spectful sympathy  by  the  crowds  encumbering  the 
public  thoroughfare.  According  to  the  programme. 
King  Frederic  William  IV.  was  to  come  at  seven 
o'clock  in  the  evening  from  Charlottenberg  to  Berlin 
to  await  there  the  vioit  of  his  guest.  But  by  a  very 
flattering  change  in  this  arrangement,  the  sovereign, 
forestalling  the  cousin  of  Napoleon  III.,  took  him  by 
surprise  and  remained  with  him  for  a  quarter  of  an 
hour.  This  call  was  immediately  returned,  and  the 
French  Prince  was  presented  by  the  King  to  the 
Queen  and  the  princesses  of  the  royal  family. 

At  half-past  eight  in  the  evening  Frederic  Wil- 
liam IV.  appeared  in  his  box  at  the  opera  with  Prince 
Napoleon  on  his  right,  and  presented  liim,  in  a  way, 
to  the  select  audience  crowding  the  theatre.  The  next 
day,  in  honor  of  his  guest,  the  sovereign  reviewed 
the  guard  in  Unter  den  Linden.     He  gave  the  Prince 


PBINCE  NAPOLEON  IN  GERMANY  151 

the  left,  that  is  to  say,  the  side  next  the  troops. 
The  weather  was  fine.  A  prodigious  crowd  kept  up 
a  constant  series  of  acclamations. 

At  four  o'clock  the  King  offered  the  Prince  a  mili- 
tary banquet  to  which  all  the  generals  and  superior  offi- 
cers were  invited.  The  service  of  honor  was  magnificent. 
The  great  officers  of  the  crown  fulfilled  the  duties  of 
their  charge,  and  the  pupils  of  the  military  school, 
dressed  in  the  traditional  page's  costume,  waited  on 
the  princes  and  princesses.  At  dessert  Frederic  Wil- 
liam IV.  drank  to  the  health  of  the  French  Prince^ 
adding  :  "  I  desire  that  the  illustrious  family  to 
which  he  belongs  may  long  be  the  prosperity  of 
France,  and  that  this  great  nation  may  always  remain 
the  friend  of  Prussia."  In  the  evening  all  the  Court 
were  present  at  a  representation  of  Ferdinand  Cortez 
at  the  opera. 

On  Sunday,  May  10,  Prince  Napoleon  attended 
Mass  at  the  Catholic  church,  where  the  grand  master 
of  ceremonies  awaited  him.  He  afterwards  received 
the  diplomatic  corps  at  the  palace,  and  also  Baron 
von  Humboldt,  to  whom  he  showed  the  greatest  def- 
erence. There  was  a  gala  dinner  that  night  at  the 
royal  palace  in  Charlottenberg  ;  the  Prince  wore  the 
broad  ribbon  of  the  Black  Eagle,  which  the  King 
had  sent  him  during  the  day.  He  would  have  liked 
to  spend  the  evening  in  his  own  apartments  ;  but  it 
was  hinted  that  this  would  be  a  disappointment  to 
Berlin  society,  who  had  come  in  a  body  to  the  opera 
house,  hoping  to  see  him.     He  complied  with  a  good 


152        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

grace  and  occupied  tlie  little  royal  box  in  company 
with  the  Prince  of  Prussia,  the  future  Emperor  Wil- 
liam.    The  ballet  of  Saltanella  was  given. 

May  11,  Prince  Napoleon  went  to  visit  Potsdam. 
The  garrison,  under  command  of  Prince  Frederic 
Charles,  was  drawn  up  in  the  grand  court.  The 
French  Prince  paid  a  respectful  visit  to  the  tomb 
of  Frederic  the  Great.  The  man  in  charge  of  it 
had  known  the  Prussian  hero  ;  it  was  he  who  had 
opened  the  vault  for  Napoleon  I.  in  1806,  and  now  in 
1857  he  led  thither  the  nephew  of  the  victor  of  Jena, 
the  vanquished  of  Waterloo.  The  Prince  went  sub- 
sequently to  meditate  at  Sans-Souci,  in  the  room  where 
Frederic  the  Great  breathed  his  last,  and  which  has 
been  religiously  preserved  in  the  condition  it  was  in 
at  that  moment.  At  the  New  Castle,  the  Princess  had 
him  shown  the  study  of  the  great  man,  his  military 
maps,  his  books,  all  of  them  French,  his  autographs, 
and  his  verses  annotated  by  Voltaire.  On  his  return 
to  Berlin,  the  whole  population  seemed  to  have  turned 
out  into  the  streets  ;  the  approaches  to  the  railway 
station  and  the  palace  were  thronged.  The  Prince, 
in  full  uniform,  seated  in  an  open  carriage,  passed 
through  the  crowd  and  was  greeted  with  continuous 
acclamations.  Old  men  who  had  witnessed  the  entry 
of  Napoleon  I.  into  Berlin  were  amazed  at  the  resem- 
blance existing  between  the  uncle  and  the  nephew. 
In  the  evening  there  was  a  ball  at  the  mansion  of  the 
French  legation,  at  which  the  King  and  all  the  royal 
family  were  present. 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON  IN  GERMANT  153 

The  future  Emperor  William  showed  the  utmost 
attention  to  the  cousin  of  Napoleon  III.  One  might 
say  he  did  him  the  honors  of  the  Prussian  army  dur- 
ing the  manœuvres,  which  lasted  at  least  four  hours, 
and  seemed  greatly  flattered  when,  on  May  13,  the 
Prince  sent  him,  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor  of  the 
French,  the  broad  ribbon  of  the  Legion  of  Honor. 

Marquis  de  Moustier  wrote  to  Count  Walewski  : 
"  The  Prince  of  Prussia  has  received  the  grand  cor- 
don of  the  Legion  of  Honor  with  unmistakable  marks 
of  sincere  satisfaction.  Both  he  and  the  King  wore 
the  insignia  at  the  dinner  which  he  gave  to  His  Im- 
perial Highness,  and  when  I  was  taking  my  leave  he 
deigned  to  make  some  very  enthusiastic  remarks  on 
the  pleasure  it  had  given  him  to  be  present  at  my  ball 
and  to  receive  me  in  his  own  house,  and  congratulat- 
ing himself  on  the  fortunate  circumstances  which 
had  permitted  him  to  deviate  in  that  particular  from 
the  too  rigid  etiquette  of  the  court." 

Prince  Napoleon  left  Berlin  May  14,  after  having 
sent  to  Baron  Humboldt  the  cross  of  a  grand  officer 
of  the  Legion  of  Honor.  The  Prince  and  the  King 
parted  with  expressions  of  the  utmost  cordiality.  In 
a  despatch  of  May  15,  addressed  to  Count  Walewski, 
the  Marquis  de  Moustier  expressed  himself  as  fol- 
lows :  "  Prince  Napoleon  has  left  the  most  favorable 
impression  here,  and  in  all  that  he  has  done  has  given 
evidence  of  a  tact,  a  moderation,  and  an  acquaintance 
with  the  court  of  Prussia  which  might  have  disarmed 
the  most  persistent  ill-will,  could  any  such  have  been 


154        THE   COURT  OF  THE  SECOND   EMPIRE 

evinced  in  presence  of  the  royal  family.  The  Gra- 
zette  de  la  Croix  has  not  found  a  word  to  say,  and,  in 
an  article  which  has  made  a  sensation,  it  has  paid 
tardy  but  surprising  justice  to  the  wisdom  and  skill 
of  the  Emperor's  policy  and  to  the  high  position  he 
has  achieved  in  Turkey.  However,  it  insisted  on 
proving  that  the  visit  of  the  Prince  was  wholly  one 
of  courtesy  and  had  no  political  importance." 

From  Berlin  Prince  Napoleon  went  to  Dresden, 
where  the  court  of  Saxony  gave  him  as  brilliant  a 
reception  as  the  court  of  Prussia.  The  Saxon  sov- 
ereign at  the  time  was  King  John,  a  very  learned 
and  enlightened  monarch,  the  author  of  a  fine  trans- 
lation into  German  of  Dante's  Divine  Comedy^  and 
the  husband  of  the  Princess  Amelia  of  Bavaria. 
Prince  Napoleon  enjoyed  himself  greatly  in  Dres- 
den. May  15,  he  visited  the  battlefield  near  the 
city  with  the  Prince-royal,  grand-nephew  of  the 
faithful  ally  of  Napoleon  I.  He  spent  the  evening 
with  the  Queen  Dowager,  the  reigning  Queen,  and 
the  Archduchess  Sophia,  mother  of  the  Emperor 
of  Austria.  May  16,  he  went  to  Pilnitz  to  wish 
the  King  many  happy  returns  of  his  birthday,  and 
then  went  with  him  to  Moritzburg,  a  hunting-seat 
three  leagues  from  Dresden,  built  on  a  most  pictu- 
resque site  in  the  midst  of  the  woods  by  the  Elector 
Augustus,  King  of  Poland.  After  a  dinner  served  to 
the  accompaniment  of  hunting-horns  they  went  to 
a  clearing  in  the  forest  to  behold  a  curious  spectacle  : 
herds  of  stags,  bucks,  and  wild  boars  coming  freely 


PBINCE  NAPOLEON  IN   GERMANY  165 

from  their  haunts  in  the  woods  to  take  the  food 
distributed  to  them  daily  at  a  given  hour. 

May  17,  the  Prince  heard  Mass  in  the  Catholic 
church.  The  reigning  family  of  Saxony  is  Catholic. 
The  music  in  the  king's  chapel  is  admirable.  Dur- 
ing the  day  the  Prince  received  the  diplomatic  corps 
and  the  Saxon  Chevaliers  of  the  Legion  of  Honor, 
all  of  whom  had  served  in  the  armies  of  Napoleon  I. 
In  the  evening  he  dined  with  Baron  Forth  Rouen, 
minister  of  France.  May  18,  he  visited  the  battle- 
field of  Lutzen,  and  supped  in  the  evening  at  the 
French  legation  in  company  with  Herr  von  Beust, 
who,  after  having  been  president  of  the  ministerial 
council  of  Saxony,  passed,  some  years  later,  into  the 
service  of  Austria,  where  he  became  chancellor  of 
the  empire.  May  19,  the  Prince  quitted  Dresden. 
On  the  24th  he  was  in  Paris. 

The  reception  given  by  the  Germans  to  the  nephew 
of  Napoleon  I.  proved  that  an  agreement  might  exist 
between  them  and  the  French.  Germany  experienced 
a  feeling  of  mingled  love  and  hatred  toward  the  great 
Emperor.  So  colossal,  so  poetic,  so  marvellous  a  fig- 
ure as  that  of  the  conqueror  had  profoundly  impressed 
the  German  imagination.  It  is  a  German,  Heinrich 
Heine,  who  is  the  author  of  the  Two  Grenadiers, 
probably  the  most  beautiful  of  all  the  poems  inspired 
by  the  Napoleonic  epic.  It  was  of  Napoleon  that 
Germany  could  say  :  — 

Tu  domines  notre  âge;  ange  ou  démon,  qu'importe? 
Ton  aigle  dans  son  vol  haletant  nous  emporte. 


153        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

L'œil  même  qui  te  fuit  te  retrouve  partout. 
Toujours  dans  nos  tableaux  tu  jettes  ta  grande  ombre. 
Toujours  Napoleon,  éblouissant  et  sombre, 
Sur  le  seuil  du  siècle  est  debout.  ^ 

It  was  he  who  had  been  the  protector  of  the  Con- 
federation of  the  Rhine;  he  who  had  set  the  royal 
crown  on  the  heads  of  the  electors  of  Bavaria,  Wiir- 
temberg,  and  Saxony  ;  he  who  had  struck  the  most 
redoubtable  blows  at  Germanic  feudalism  ;  he  who, 
possibly  without  being  aware  of  it,  had  been  one  of 
the  chief  promoters  of  German  unity.  Before  fight- 
ing against  Napoleon  tlie  Germans  had  served  glori- 
ously under  his  banners,  and  taken  part  in  nearly 
all  his  victories.  Hence  thej^  recalled  the  Napole- 
onic epopee  with  pride,  and  all  who  had  formed  part 
of  his  armies  had  eagerly  claimed  the  medal  of  Saint 
Helena  which  Napoleon  HI.  had  instituted. 

More  than  one  family  tie  existed  between  the 
second  Emperor  and  the  German  sovereigns.  Prince 
Eugène  de  Beauharnais,  brother  of  Queen  Hortense, 
had  married  a  daughter  of  the  first  King  of  Bavaria. 
The  Dowager  Grand  Duchess  of  Baden  was  a  Beau- 
harnais, the  adopted  daughter  of  Napoleon  I.  Jerome 
Bonaparte,  former  King  of  Westphalia,  was  the  wid- 
ower of  a  daughter  of  the  first  King  of  Wiirtemberg. 

Was  a  definitive  reconciliation,  a  sincere  union, 

1  Thou  sway  est  our  age  ;  angel  or  demon,  what  matters  it  ?  — 
Thine  eagle  in  its  breathless  flight  bears  us  along.  —  The  eye  that 
shuns  thee  finds  thee  everywhere.  —  Ever  thou  dost  cast  thy  gi-eat 
shadow  in  our  pictures.  —  Ever  Napoleon,  splendid  and  gloomy,  — 
Stands  on  the  threshold  of  our  century. 


PRINCE  NAPOLEON  IN  GERMANT  157 

impossible  between  imperial  France  and  Germany? 
We  do  not  think  so.  What  would  have  been  re- 
quired to  bring  about  a  result  so  desirable  for  the 
general  interests  of  civilization?  It  would  have 
been  necessary  that,  loyal  to  the  principle  of  nation- 
alities, Napoleon  III.  should  declare  in  a  formal  and 
categoric  manner  that  he  was  irrevocably  resolved 
not  to  dispute  with  Germany  the  possession  of  the 
Rhine  provinces,  countries  especially  German.  He 
ought  also  to  have  given  pledges  to  the  secondary 
states.  He  was  too  much  preoccupied  with  Prussia, 
where  he  was  always  deceived,  and  too  little  with 
Bavaria,  Saxony,  and  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Hesse, 
whose  statesmen  would  gratefully  have  accepted  the 
encouragement  and  moral  support  of  France  in  their 
resistance  to  the  ambitious  and  encroaching  policy 
of  Prussia.  Napoleon  III.  committed  the  great  fault 
of  neglecting  these  lesser  states,  which  one  day  were 
to  be  so  fatal  to  him,  and  which  he  might  so  easily 
have  conciliated  if  he  had  convinced  them  of  his 
desire  to  respect  their  territories,  and,  at  need,  to 
defend  their  rights.  Unfortunately,  instead  of  pur- 
suing this  policy,  in  which  he  would  have  gained  the 
sympathies  of  Russia,  he  left  his  intentions  under  a 
cloud  of  suspicions  and  misunderstandings  which  his 
enemies  turned  to  their  own  advantage,  and  which 
ended  in  making  possible  an  improbable  alliance 
between  Prussia  and  those  lesser  states  which  she 
coveted. 

In  1857,  nobody  dreamed  of  such  a  contingency. 


158        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 


After  his  return  to  France,  Prince  Napoleon  talked 
at  length  to  the  Emperor  concerning  his  journey  to 
Berlin  and  Dresden.  Both  were  equally  well  satis- 
fied with  it.  Each  was  well  acquainted  with  and 
fond  of  Germany,  whose  language  they  spoke  as 
fluently  as  French,  and  where  they  had  acquired  part 
of  their  education.  Both  believed  that  the  Rhine 
could  flow  peacefully  between  peoples  whose  mutual 
prosperity  would  be  a  pledge  of  concord  and  pros- 
perity for  the  entire  world. 

This  justice  must  be  rendered  Prince  Napoleon, 
that  he  always  remained  opposed  to  the  idea  of  a 
rupture  between  France  and  Germany.  Perhaps,  if 
he  had  been  in  Paris  in  1870,  the  war  would  not  have 
been  declared.  As  to  Napoleon  III.,  if  in  1857  he 
was  dreaming  of  making  war  on  Austria  in  order  to 
render  Italy  free  from  the  Alps  to  the  Adriatic,  it 
may  be  affirmed  that  a  war  against  Prussia  and  the 
secondary  German  states  never  entered  his  thoughts. 
It  was  fatality  which  dragged  him  into  it  tliirteen 
years  later. 


CHAPTER   XIX 

THE  INTERNAL  SITUATION 

n~^HE  internal  situation  of  France  was  almost  the 
same  in  1867  as  at  the  beginning  of  the  Second 
Empire.  Although  deprived  of  power,  the  old 
parties  had  retained  their  convictions  and  few  new 
adhesions  were  effected,  but  the  very  great  majority 
of  the  country  remained  faithful  to  Napoleon  III, 
The  alliance  between  the  government  and  the  clergy 
continued  to  be  close.  The  Emperor  took  good  care 
not  to  allow  his  Italian  schemes  to  be  suspected. 
Interests  were  secured,  and,  with  the  exception  of 
certain  more  than  usually  perspicacious  minds,  no 
one  anticipated  the  adventures  and  complications  of 
the  future. 

All  honest  republicans  disavowed  the  criminal 
plans  of  ]\Iazzini  and  his  adepts.  Drawing  back, 
and  taking  care  not  to  foment  troubles,  they  awaited 
events. 

The  legitimist  party  remained  passive  in  the 
majesty  of  its  principles.  Count  de  Chambord  had 
been  guilty  of  the  error  of  forbidding  all  legitimists 
to  take  the  oath  to  the  Empire,  thus  excluding  them 
from   political   life,  where  they  might   have   gained 

159 


160        TUE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

experience  and  qualified  themselves  for  important 
parts.  It  is  not  easy  to  understand  how  a  prince 
who  had  permitted  his  adherents  to  take  the  oath 
to  Louis  Philippe  had  forbidden  them  to  take  it  to 
Napoleon  III.,  closing  thus  all  access  to  public  func- 
tions or  legislative  duties,  and  converting  them,  as 
one  might  say,  into  stay-at-home  emigrants.  This 
unfortunate  decision  had  annihilated  the  legitimist 
party,  if  not  from  the  social,  at  least  from  the  political, 
point  of  view. 

Moreover,  up  to  the  time  of  the  Italian  War,  Count 
de  Chambord  did  not  criticise  the  ideas  of  the 
Emperor,  which  would  have  been  his  own  had  he 
reigned.  The  Constitution  of  1852  pleased  him  ;  he 
would  willingly  have  appropriated  it  to  the  shadow 
of  the  v/hite  flag.  He  said  that  he  had  decided  to 
maintain  universal  suffrage,  and  he  did  not  think  it 
unwise  for  France  to  subject  itself  to  a  press  law 
more  rigorous  than  that  which  had  been,  if  not  the 
cause,  at  least  the  pretext,  of  the  Revolution  of  1830. 

Let  us  add  that  the  abandonment  of  the  projects 
of  fusion  between  the  elder  and  the  younger  branch 
of  the  Bourbons  had  divided  the  royalist  party 
against  itself  and  thrown  it  into  confusion.  The 
Duchess  of  Orleans  had  not  thought  herself  author- 
ized to  pledge  the  future  of  her  young  son.  Legiti- 
mists and  Orleanists  retained  their  political  convictions 
and  their  distinctive  tendencies. 

It  was  chiefly  among  the  former  adherents  of  Louis 
Philippe  that  respect  for  parliamentarism  had  been 


THE  INTERNAL   SITUATION  161 

preserved.  As  Duke  Victor  de  Broglie  expressed  it, 
they  regretted  "  those  generous  institutions  which 
were  the  accomplishment  and  the  pride  of  their 
happiest  years." 

The  French  Academy  had  become  the  rendezvous 
of  a  polished  and  literary  opposition  which  had 
maintained,  one  may  say,  a  purely  academic  charac- 
ter, and  with  which  it  would  have  been  a  mistake  on 
the  part  of  the  government  to  concern  itself.  April 
5,  1856,  occurred  the  reception  of  the  Duke  de 
Broglie,  replacing  one  of  the  best  diplomatists  of  the 
July  monarchy.  Count  de  Sainte-Aulaire.  The  Duke 
had  seized  the  occasion  to  make  an  eloquent  eulogy 
of  Louis  Philippe.  He  said  :  "  Honored  during  many 
years,  I  would  not  venture  to  say  by  his  friendship, 
but  by  his  kindness,  summoned  several  times  to  his 
councils,  preserving  for  his  memory  a  useless,  and  at 
my  age,  an  unmeritorious  fidelity,  I  await  with  con- 
fidence the  judgment  which  history  will  pass  upon  it; 
history  will  say  whether  the  eighteen  years  of  peace 
which  he  gave  us  were  attained  at  the  expense  of  the 
honor  and  interest  of  the  country  ;  whether  his  wis- 
dom does  not  count  for  something  in  the  prosperity 
whose  fruits  are  replenishing  our  hands  ;  whether 
the  army  formed  by  him  has  shown  itself  worthy  of 
France  ;  whether  its  sons  have  shown  themselves 
worthy  of  that  army." 

March  26,  1857,  took  place  the  reception  of  Count 
de  Falloux,  replacing  Count  Mole,  who  justly  praised 
that  great  minister  of  Louis  Philippe.    Napoleon  IH. 


162        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

had  the  good  taste  not  to  take  offence  at  the  homage 
paid  to  his  predecessor.  When  the  Duke  de  Broglie, 
in  his  quality  as  a  newly  elected  academician,  went 
to  pay  his  official  visit  at  the  Tuileries,  the  sovereign 
received  him  with  his  usual  urbanity,  and  said  :  "  I 
hope,  Monsieur  le  Duc,  that  your  grandson  may  speak 
of  the  second  of  December  as  you  have  spoken  of 
the  eighteenth  Brumaire." 

Unfortunately,  the  imperialist  journals  had  less  tact 
than  the  Emperor.  M.  de  La  Gorce  has  good  reason 
to  say  :  "  Napoleon  III.  expressed  himself  better  than 
his  agents,  better  than  his  ministers  ;  and  especially 
better  than  his  flatterers."  The  official  and  semi- 
official sheets  lauded  all  acts  of  authority  without 
reserve  and  without  distinction,  and  uselessly  at- 
tacked the  old  parties  in  their  past  and  in  their  pre- 
sumed tendencies. 

The  press,  wdiich  had  been  called  the  fourth  power 
of  the  State  at  the  time  when  three  powers  were 
officially  recognized  in  the  State,  had  played  only  a 
secondary  part  since  the  régime  of  1852.  Ceasing  to 
be  faithful  organs  of  parties,  the  journals  could  at 
most  timidly  collect  and  reproduce  in  covert  words 
the  enfeebled  echoes  of  the  opinion  of  which  they 
essayed  to  be  the  representatives.  Still,  there  were 
among  them  some  which  retained  a  real  prestige,  and 
the  courteous  and  measured  tone  of  their  articles  was 
no  detriment  to  the  talent  of  their  editors. 

Such  was  the  general  situation  when,  after  five 
years,  the  government  sprung  from  the  coup  d'Etat 


THE  INTERNAL   SITUATION  163 

and  the  plebiscite  made  a  new  appeal  to  popular 
suffrage.  The  year  1857  brought  the  renewal  of 
the  Corps  Législatif.  The  Ifoniteur  of  June  12 
congratulated  the  outgoing  Chamber  on  having 
neither  transformed  the  tribune  into  a  pedestal  for 
interest  or  ambition,  nor  deliberated  amidst  politi- 
cal passions,  nor  improvised  those  amendments  which 
formerly  disturbed  all  the  economy  of  the  laws. 
The  balloting  was  to  begin  June  21-22.  The  gov- 
ernment had  an  easy  triumph  almost  everywhere. 
The  Revue  des  Deux  3ïondes  wrote  in  its  yearly  sum- 
mary for  1857  :  "  Tired  of  its  long  struggles,  satis- 
fied with  the  repose  it  has  been  enjoying  for  five 
years,  proud  of  the  situation  created  for  it  abroad 
by  the  Eastern  War  terminated  by  an  honorable 
peace,  the  nation  easily  allows  itself  to  be  carried 
along  by  the  current  of  the  Empire."  The  prefects 
exercised  a  decisive  action  over  the  docile  masses, 
and  the  governmental  candidates  had  almost  no  com- 
petitors. The  legitimists  did  not  put  in  an  appear- 
ance, Count  de  Chambord  having  forbidden  them  to 
swear  allegiance  to  the  Emperor.  The  Orleanists 
felt  that  their  hour  had  not  come,  and  there  was  no 
chance  for  the  republicans  outside  of  the  great  cities. 
In  the  provinces  but  four  candidates  opposed  by  the 
government  were  entered  on  the  lists:  MM.  Curé, 
Hénon,  Plichon,  and  Brame,  and  of  these  the  two  lat- 
ter were  independents  and  not  hostile.  At  Paris  five 
republicans  were  nominated,  MM.  Carnot  and  Goud- 
chaux  at  the  first  turn,  and  at  the  second  General 


164        THE  COURT  OF  TUE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

Cavaignac,  M.  Emile  OUivier,  and  M.  Alfred  Dari- 
mon.  Such  was  the  germ  of  an  opposition  destined 
to  grow  incessantly  and  in  a  few  years  to  become 
formidable. 

July  16,  just  as  the  elections  by  ballot  were  com- 
pleted at  Paris,  it  was  learned  that  Béranger  was 
dead.  The  Empress,  who  had  just  sent  to  inquire 
about  him,  refrained  from  appearing  at  a  theatrical 
representation  that  evening  at  which  she  had  been 
announced  to  be  present.  The  Emperor  decided  that 
the  cost  of  the  obsequies  of  the  national  poet  should 
be  defraj-ed  by  his  civil  list.  They  were  celebrated 
at  the  church  of  Saint  Elizabeth  amidst  a  great  array 
of  troops  and  policemen.  The  organ  played  the  air 
of  the  Souvenirs  du  Peuple  :  — 

"  They  will  talk  of  his  glory 
LoBg  underneath  the  thatch. 
The  humble  roof  in  fifty  years 
Will  know  no  other  story." 

The  electoral  agitation  had  no  consequences. 
"  To-day,"  said  the  3Ioniteur,  "  when  the  contest  is 
ended,  and  a  majority  of  more  than  five  millions  of 
votes  has  plainly  expressed  the  sentiments  of  the 
country,  an  end  should  be  put  to  discussions  which 
henceforth  can  have  no  other  aim  than  to  disturb 
the  public  mind  in  vain."  The  press  held  its 
peace  and  everything  fell  back  into  accustomed 
channels. 

Algeria  was  pacified  like   France.     After   an   ex- 


TUE  INTERNAL   SITUATION  165 

pedition  skilfully  conducted  by  Marshal  Randon, 
Kabylia  had  surrendered  and  the  Arabs  obej^ed  Na- 
poleon with  the  same  docility  as  the  French.  The 
imperialists  were  never  tired  of  saying  that  the 
Empire  was  immovable. 


CHAPTER  XX 

THE   QUESTION    OF    THE    PRINCIPALITIES 

TN  matters  of  external  policy,  the  ideas  of  concord 
and  universal  pacification  which  seemed  in  the 
ascendency  in  the  Congress  of  Paris,  no  longer  took 
the  upper  hand  in  the  relations  between  the  powers. 
The  diplomatic  chess-board  had  been  completely 
upset.  An  absolutely  unexpected  system  of  alliances 
produced  itself.  The  new  grouping  of  the  powers 
was  the  antipodes  of  what  it  had  been  during  the 
Crimean  War.  Europe,  to  the  great  surprise  of  the 
professional  diplomatists,  was  suddenly  divided  into 
two  camps  :  on  one  side,  England,  Austria,  and 
Turkey  ;  on  the  other,  France,  Russia,  Prussia,  and 
Sardinia.  It  was  the  question  of  the  Danubian 
Principalities. 

M.  Louis  Thouvenel,  in  a  work  equally  curious 
and  substantial,  for  which  the  unpublished  papers  of 
his  illustrious  father  have  supplied  the  elements,  has 
retraced  all  the  details  and  phases  of  the  discussion 
with  rare  precision.  This  work  is  entitled  :  Three 
Tears  of  the  Oriental  Question,  1836-1859.  The 
author  has  very  well  understood  the  importance  of 
this  affair  of  the  Principalities  by  which  Napoleon  III. 

166 


THE  QUESTION  OF  THE  PRINCIPALITIES     167 

allowed  the  entire  programme  of  his  foreign  policy 
to  be  inferred,  and  which  may  be  called  the  prologue 
of  the  Italian  War.  M.  Louis  Thouvenel  has  said 
with  much  justice  :  "  No  one  has  ever  made  suffi- 
ciently plain  to  what  degree  the  question  of  the 
Danubian  Principalities  tended  to  engender  and  to 
nourish  bitterness  between  the  cabinets  of  Paris  and 
Vienna.  For  us  the  war  of  1859  began  as  early  as 
1857.  In  politics  as  in  love,  there  are  no  worse 
enemies  than  the  betrayed  friends  of  yesterday." 

During  the  Congress  of  Paris,  the  French  pleni- 
potentiaries had  proposed  the  reunion  of  the  two 
principalities  of  INIoldavia  and  Wallachia  into  one 
under  the  authority  of  a  foreign  prince  and  under 
the  suzerainty  of  the  Porte.  This  combination  hav- 
ing raised  the  most  lively  objections  on  the  part  of 
Turkey  and  Austria,  there  had  been  an  unwillingness 
to  endanger  the  impatiently  expected  work  of  general 
peace  ;  hence  the  solution  of  a  question  which  gave 
rise  to  such  serious  disputes  had  been  adjourned,  and 
the  only  decision  arrived  at  had  been  that  a  European 
commission  should  go  to  the  Principalities  to  gather 
the  wishes  of  the  populations,  wishes  expressed  by 
the  local  assemblies,  known  as  Divans  ad  hoc  on  ac- 
count of  the  special  purposes  for  which  they  were  to 
be  convened. 

In  such  a  combination  Napoleon  saw  his  two 
favorite  ideas  brought  into  vigorous  prominence,  the 
principle  of  nationalities,  and  the  right  of  peoples  to 
dispose  of  their  destiny.     One  might  say  he  showed 


168        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

his  hand  in  supporting  this  thesis,  and  introduced  in 
the  Balkans  the  programme  v/hich  was  to  be  that  of 
his  policy  in  Italy.  Austria  saw  this  plainly  and  op- 
posed the  union  of  the  Principalities  with  a  bitterness 
even  greater  than  that  of  Turkey,  although  that 
power  recognized  in  the  system  extolled  by  Napoleon 
III.  a  serious  attack  on  the  integrity  of  the  Ottoman 
Empire  and  the  signal  for  the  enfranchisement  of 
her  Christian  subjects. 

At  the  Congress  of  Paris,  Lord  Clarendon  had 
seemed  to  favor  the  idea  of  a  union  under  a  foreign 
prince.  But,  since  then,  England,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  Lord  Stratford  de  Redcliffe,  her  ambassa- 
dor at  Constantinople,  had  completely  modified  her 
view,  and  now  antagonized  violently,  in  union  with 
Austria  and  Turkey,  the  combination  to  which  she 
had  at  first  given  her  approval. 

The  Grand-Vizier,  Ali  Pasha,  said  to  M.  Thou- 
venel,  in  July,  1856  :  "  The  former  capitulations 
assure  to  the  Wallachians  and  Moldavians  princes 
selected  from  among  their  own  nobles.  We  pledged 
ourselves  ab  antiquo  to  this  condition  only.  The 
Wallachians  and  Moldavians  cannot  modify  it  with- 
out our  consent.  They  become  factions  if  they  talk  of 
a  foreign  prince.  As  to  Europe,  it  has  no  more  right 
to  constrain  us  than  it  would  have  to  oblige  Austria, 
while  leaving  her  the  suzerainty  of  Hungary,  to  re- 
ceive at  Pesth  a  viceroy  of  her  selection."  The 
thesis  of  the  Grand- Vizier,  it  must  be  owned,  was  in 
conformity  with  international   stipulations   and  the 


THE  QUESTION  OF  THE  PRINCIPALITIES     169 

English  doctrine,  which  then  defended,  as  a  dogma, 
the  integrity  of  the  Ottoman  Empire.  Advanta- 
geously to  combat  the  theory  of  Turkey,  Austria,  and 
England,  it  was  necessary  to  invoke  boldly  the  right 
of  peoples  to  decide  their  destinies  for  themselves. 
In  diplomacy  this  was  a  real  revolution. 

When  Napoleon  III.  proclaimed  this  novel  princi- 
ple, he  was  secretly  blamed  by  nearly  all  French 
diplomatists,  even  by  his  ambassador  at  Constanti- 
nople, M.  Thouvenel.  The  latter  addressed  at  this 
time  to  his  friend,  M.  Benedetti,  director  of  political 
affairs  in  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs,  private 
letters  full  of  sharp  criticisms  on  the  external  policy 
of  the  government.  He  wrote,  November  10,  1856  : 
"  Are  you  very  sure  that  those  fallacious  journals  did 
not  deceive  us  in  announcing  that  on  September  8, 
1855,  Sebastopol  would  fall  under  the  combined  ef- 
forts of  France  and  England?  .  .  .  Oh!  the  great 
nobles  of  Moscow  are  wrong  to  jest  over  the  tears  of 
the  too  sensitive  Morny.  They  ought  rather  to 
gather  them  up  like  pearls  !  However,  to  go  from  one 
thing  to  another,  here  I  am  in  alliance  with  M.  de 
Boutenieff  (minister  of  Russia  at  Constantinople), 
and,  moreover,  I  am  beaten  on  equal  terms  with  him, 
which  is  full  of  delightful  promises  for  the  future. 
At  bottom,  I  have  no  desire  to  laugh.  All  that  is  as 
grave  in  reality  as  it  is  pitiful  in  appearance." 

M.  Thouvenel  saw  things  under  a  gloomy  aspect 
and  augured  no  good  from  the  campaign  he  was  con- 
ducting, in  spite  of  himself,  at  Constantinople  against 


170         THE   CO  [/HT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

tlie  former  allies  of  France.  He  wrote  again  to 
M.  Bencdetti  :  "  I  have  a  scent  which  has  never  yet 
deceived  me,  and  I  wrote  from  Athens,  officially,  in 
1850,  that  the  question  of  the  Holy  Places  would 
lead  to  war.  That  of  the  Principalities  will  end  like 
the  Egyptian  affair  in  1840,  which  is,  God  be  thanked, 
quite  enough." 

He  who,  two  years  later,  was  to  be  the  ardent 
partisan  of  the  national  Italian  cause,  did  not  in  1850 
show  himself  favorable  to  the  national  Roumanian 
cause,  and  seemed  not  to  share  in  any  degree  the 
humanitarian  and  advanced  ideas  of  his  sovereign. 
"  Success  for  us  is  most  doubtful,"  he  wrote,  "  and  to 
my  thinking,  we  are  doing  ourselves  a  great  deal  of 
harm  in  order  to  hang  the  recognition  of  the  Rou- 
manians as  a  pendant  to  that  of  the  Hellenes  in  the 
museum  of  our  political  illusions.  I  am  profoundly 
distressed  by  the  manner  in  which  our  foreign  affairs 
are  conducted,  and  in  our  history  a  severe  chapter 
will  follow  that  describing  the  last  war."  (Letter  to 
the  Duke  de  Gramont,  May  26,  1857.) 

In  the  end,  M.  Thouvenel  learned  to  recognize 
that,  in  the  mind  of  the  Emperor,  the  Roumanian 
question  was  the  prelude  to  the  Italian  question, 
and  he  then  comprehended  what  had  at  the  time 
seemed  to  him  inexplicable.  "  I  am  somewhat  more 
interested  in  ourselves  than  in  the  Roumanians,"  he 
wrote  to  M.  Benedetti,  "  and  it  seems  to  me  that  we 
should  get  ourselves  out  of  an  intricate  and  danger- 
DUS  scrape  by  notifying  these  gentlemen  in  advance 


THE  QUESTION  OF  THE  PRINCIPALITIES     171 

as  to  what  they  may  expect  from  us.  I  am  reason- 
ing, you  understand,  on  the  hypothesis  that  our 
policy  is  without  reserves,  and  that  we  are  not  anxious 
to  regulate  on  the  Po  the  questions  raised  on  the 
Danube.  If  there  is  an  under  side  to  the  cards,  I 
say  nothing  farther." 

There  was,  in  fact,  an  under  side  to  the  cards,  and 
M.  Benedetti  did  not  leave  the  ambassador  in  igno- 
rance that  the  policy  adopted  by  the  Ministry  of 
Foreign  Affairs  was  the  personal  policy  of  the 
Emperor.  M.  Thouvenel  replied  :  "  I  thank  you  for 
letting  me  into  the  secret  of  your  tenacity  on  the 
subject  of  the  union  of  the  principalities.  Of  course, 
nothing  remains  but  to  let  things  go  on." 

However,  things  were  singularly  complicated  at 
Constantinople,  and  the  strife  between  the  Porte, 
Austria,  and  England  on  one  side,  and  France, 
Russia,  and  Prussia  on  the  other,  had  assumed  an 
acute  form.  It  was  especially  bitter  against  the 
two  ambassadors  of  the  nations  said  to  be  united  by 
the  entente  cordiale.  June  18,  1857,  Lord  Stratford, 
wishing  to  celebrate  an  anniversary  painful  to  French 
hearts,  gave  a  grand  dinner  at  Pera  to  which  he 
invited  the  Prussian  charge  d'affaires.  It  was  the 
morrow  of  Waterloo  over  again. 

The  more  strongly  the  national  aspirations  of 
the  Roumanians  affirmed  themselves,  the  more  obsti- 
nately was  the  English  ambassador,  in  agreement 
with  Turkey  and  Austria,  bent  on  annihilating  them 
per  fas   et  nefas.      The   European   commission,  in 


172        TUE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

which  France  was  represented  by  Baron  Talleyrand- 
Perigord,  expressed  the  real  wishes  of  the  two  prin- 
cipalities in  vain.  As  the  latter  wrote,  it  was  evident 
that  in  both  Moldavia  and  Wallachia  the  union  was 
the  deepest  wish  of  all  honest  hearts.  On  his  en- 
trance at  Yassy,  the  French  commissioner  was  re- 
ceived with  enthusiasm.  The  shouts  of  "Long  live 
France  !  "  "  Long  live  the  Emperor  !  "  "  Long  live 
the  union  !  "  were  unanimous.  But  English,  Aus- 
trian, and  Ottoman  diplomacy  considered  the  prin- 
ciple of  nationalities  as  null. 

Prince  Vogorides,  whom  the  Sultan  had  appointed 
kaimakam,  or  lieutenant-governor,  at  Yassy,  drew 
up  the  electoral  lists  for  the  Moldavian  Divan  with 
so  evident  a  partiality  and  employed  such  fraudulent 
manoeuvres  that  the  majority  of  the  electors  refused 
to  take  part  in  the  voting.  "  Vogorides  has  thrown 
off  the  mask,"  wrote  M.  Thouvenel.  "  He  proceeds 
by  blows,  fraud,  and  violence,  in  a  way  to  make  even 
experts  in  such  matters  envious.  I  am  rather  in  the 
way  of  the  odious  humbug  he  is  making  ready  for 
us."  The  commissioners  of  France,  Russia,  Prussia, 
and  Sardinia,  in  the  Principalities  formally  pro- 
tested against  such  elections.  Austria,  the  Porte, 
and  England  wished  to  have  them  acce^Dted  as  valid, 
because  their  validity  would  have  been  the  triumph 
of  the  anti-unionists. 

The  resulting  scandal  made  Napoleon  III.  indig- 
nant. In  May,  1857,  he  said  to  Mehemet  Djemil  Be}', 
the  Turkish  ambassador  at  Paris  :  "  AVe  cannot  take 


TEE  QUESTION  OF  THE  PRINCIPALITIES     173 

it  ill  that  others  should  not  be  of  our  opinion  ;  but 
we  have  the  right  to  demand  that  they  should  treat 
us  loyally,  and  that  lias  not  been  done  in  the  Prin- 
cipalities. I  should  be  sorry  if  we  had  to  quarrel 
over  this  question." 

The  Emperor,  who  was  affirming  his  favorite  prin- 
ciple of  nationalities  for  the  first  time,  was  absolutely 
determined  that  his  initial  attempt  should  be  a  master- 
stroke. He  took  the  unalterable  resolution  to  obtain 
the  annulment  of  the  INIoldavian  elections  at  any 
cost,  and  no  longer  confiding  in  his  diplomatists,  he 
suddenly  decided  to  go  to  Osborne  and  plead  in 
person  the  cause  of  Roumanian  nationality  with  the 
Queen.  August  5,  before  embarking  for  Osborne, 
he  telegraphed  to  his  ambassador  at  the  court  of  the 
Sultan  to  demand  the  absolute  quashing  of  the  Mol- 
davian elections,  and,  if  this  satisfaction  were  not 
immediately  obtained,  formally  to  rupture  the  diplo- 
matic relations  between  France  and  Turkey.  That  is 
what  occurred. 

August  6,  at  noon,  the  Ajaceio  anchored  before  the 
palace  of  the  French  embassy.  M.  Thouvenel  was 
on  the  terrace  with  all  the  members  of  his  legation. 
At  the  twenty-first  of  those  discharges  of  cannon 
"which,"  said  he,  "ought  to  excite  remorse  in  the 
soul  of  Lord  Stratford,"  he  saluted  for  the  last  time 
the  national  colors,  "  with  the  patriotic  emotion,  but 
with  the  tranquillity  of  conscience  which  consoles  the 
commander  of  a  vessel  forced  to  haul  down  his  flag." 
Several  friends  of  France  were  there,  Madame  Con- 


174        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

douriotis,  wife  of  the  minister  of  Greece,  Prince 
Lobanoff,  Prince  Stourdza,  the  Marquis  de  Souza, 
minister  of  Spain,  and  M.  Testa,  minister  of  Sweden. 
At  the  solemn  moment  when  the  tricolored  flag  was 
lowered,  the  crew  of  the  Ajaccio,  standing  on  the 
bridge  and  on  the  yards  of  the  vessel,  shouted,  "Long 
live  the  Emperor  !  " 

Some  minutes  after  the  salvo  the  ambassador  went 
aboard  the  Ajaccio,  and  in  three  quarters  of  an  hour 
arrived  at  Dolma-Baghtche,  the  residence  of  Abd-ul- 
Medjid.  "  Sire,"  said  he,  "  for  the  last  hour  there 
has  been  no  ambassador  of  France  at  Constantinople; 
but,  as  a  private  individual  honored  by  the  kindness 
of  Your  Majesty,  I  wished  to  take  leave  of  you." 

Ahd-ul-Medjid :  "How  grieved  I  am  that  such  an 
event,  the  rupture  with  a  powder  which  has  done  so 
much  for  my  empire  and  for  me,  should  happen  under 
my  reign  !  " 

M.  Thouvenel  :  "  I  do  not  wish  to  prolong  a  scene 
•which  troubles  Your  Majesty's  heart  as  well  as  my 
own.  Hence  I  withdraw  ;  but,  in  this  painful  mo- 
ment, I  am  supported  by  the  consciousness  of  having 
fulfilled  to  the  very  utmost  my  duties  towards  the 
Emperor  and  towards  Your  ^Majesty." 

The  ambassador  saluted.  The  Sultan  followed  him 
to  the  head  of  the  staircase,  and,  so  long  as  he  was 
in  sight,  remained  in  the  attitude  of  "a  statue  of 
despair." 

M.  Thouvenel  wrote  to  Napoleon  III.  :  "  I  ask  the 
Emperor's  permission  to  express  to  him  the  sorrow  I 


THE  QUESTION   OF  THE  PRINCIPALITIES      175 

experienced  at  having  to  lower  his  flag  before  the 
ingratitude  and  disloyalty  of  our  adversaries,  within 
two  paces  of  the  cemetery  where  repose  thirty  thou- 
sand of  our  brave  soldiers."  Such  was  the  situation 
when  Napoleon  III.  arrived  at  Osborne. 


CHAPTER   XXI 

THE  OSBORNE  INTERVIEW 

Wednesday^  August  5,  1857.  The  Emperor  and 
the  Empress  leave  Saint-Cloud  to  go  to  Osborne,  in 
the  Isle  of  Wight,  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  Queen  of  Eng- 
land. They  arrive  at  Rouen  at  three  o'clock,  to  the 
sound  of  cannon.  The  national  guard  and  the  troops 
are  under  arms.  At  five  o'clock  Their  Majesties 
make  their  entry  at  Havre,  where  a  gigantic  tri- 
umphal arch  has  been  erected.  The  houses  are  hung 
with  flags  and  garlands  of  foliage  and  flowers.  Young 
girls  dressed  in  white  offer  a  bouquet  to  the  Empress  ; 
all  the  communes  of  the  district  are  present  with 
their  mayors  and  their  clergy  at  their  head.  Their 
Majesties  drive  through  the  city  in  an  open  carriage, 
preceded  by  the  young  men  of  Havre  on  horseback  and 
escorted  by  a  detachment  of  hundred-guards.  On 
the  arrival  of  the  imperial  cortège  on  the  Place  de  La 
Bourse,  where  the  American  vessels  are  moored,  the 
sailors  on  the  yards  make  the  air  ring  with  hurrahs. 
The  Emperor  and  the  Empress  then  go  aboard  the  im- 
perial yacht.  La  Reine  Hortense,  where  they  dine.  At 
nine  o'clock  the  yacht,  escorted  by  the  despatch-boats 

176 


THE  OSBOENE  INTERVIEW  177 

Ai-iane,  Pelican,  and  Corse,  quits  the  port  to  salvos  of 
artillery  and  huzzas.  The  city  is  entirely  illuminated 
and  fireworks  are  set  off. 

Thursday,  August  6.  Their  Majesties  arrive  at 
Osborne  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  a  superb 
day.  Prince  Albert  and  Prince  Alfred  have  come  to 
meet  them  on  one  of  Queen  Victoria's  boats. 

The  Queen  is  delighted  to  do  the  honors  of  the 
Isle  of  Wight,  "  the  island  gem  of  England,"  to  her 
guests.  There  the  Queen  is  surrounded  by  universal 
veneration.  Every  time  she  comes,  the  principal 
tower  of  each  castle,  the  little  tower,  the  gable,  and 
even  the  dove-cot  of  each  cottage,  are  crowned  with 
the  national  flag.  Osborne  House  is  the  seaside  resi- 
dence which  she  prefers.  The  park  and  gardens  are 
singularly  beautiful.  Avenues  planted  with  large 
trees  slope  gently  towards  the  shore.  Portsmouth 
and  Spithead  are  visible  in  the  distance.  The  castle, 
built  in  modern  stjde,  with  its  two  towers  of  unequal 
height,  that  of  the  signals,  107  feet,  and  that  of  the 
clock,  190  ;  with  its  two  magnificent  terraces  adorned 
with  fountains  falling  into  basins  of  bronze  and  mar- 
ble ;  with  its  clumps  of  rare  flowers  grouped  at  the 
balusters, — presents  a  most  agreeable  aspect.  It  is 
peopled  with  statues,  some  after  the  antique,  others 
the  work  of  contemporary  artists.  The  Italian  sculp- 
tor Marochetti  has  executed  several  marbles  for 
Osborne,  among  others,  busts  of  Queen  Victoria, 
Prince  Albert,  the  Prince  of  Wales,  the  Princess 
Royal,  and  King  Victor  Emmanuel.     The  reception- 


178        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

rooms  are  on  the  ground  floor  and  open  upon  the 
terraces. 

After  breakfast,  the  Emperor  took  a  walk  with 
Prince  Albert,  during  which  they  talked  at  length  on 
politics. 

Friday,  August  7.  The  Emperor  and  the  Em- 
press, with  the  Queen,  Prince  Albert,  and  the  princes 
and  the  princesses,  went  aboard  the  royal  yacht 
Victoria  and  Albert,  for  a  sail  which  lasted  two  hours. 
In  the  evening  there  was  a  grand  dinner  at  the 
castle. 

Saturday/,  August  8.  The  Duke  of  Cambridge, 
Lord  Palmerston,  and  Lord  Clarendon  arrived  at 
Osborne,  whither  the  Emperor  had  summoned  his 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  Count  Walewski,  and 
his  ambassador,  Count  de  Persigny. 

Simday,  August  9.  The  Queen  is  enchanted  vnth. 
the  Emperor  and  the  Empress.  She  writes  to  King 
Leopold  that  "  nothing  could  be  more  amiable,  kind, 
pleasant,  or  ungénant  than  both  Majesties  were. 
Albert,"  she  says,  "who  is  seldom  much  pleased 
with  ladies  or  princesses,  is  very  fond  of  her,  and 
her  great  ally."  The  Queen  adds  that  M.  de  Per- 
signy's  devotion  to  the  Emperor,  and  his  courage  and 
uprightness  in  all  affairs,  are  pleasant  to  see. 

On  both  sides  very  amicable  sentiments  were  ex- 
pressed. The  Emperor  did  not  insist  upon  the  im- 
mediate adoption  of  his  favorite  project,  the  union  of 
the  Danubian  Principalities  under  the  government  of 
a  foreign  prince.     General  Fleury,  who  was  present 


THE  OSBORNE  INTER  VIE  ]V  179 

at  the  Osborne  interview,  has  justly  remarked:  "It 
was  to  perform  an  act  of  conciliation  without  pledg- 
ing the  future  too  far;  since  this  combination  was 
to  be  carried  into  effect  some  years  later  under  the 
authority  of  Prince  Charles  of  Hohenzollern,  now 
King  of  Roumania."  Hence  the  fundamental  ques- 
tion, that  of  the  union  of  the  two  principalities,  was 
adjourned  as  falling  under  the  exclusive  jurisdiction 
of  the  European  Conference.  But,  since  the  will  of 
the  inhabitants  was  one  of  the  elements  of  the  ques- 
tion, Napoleon  III.  considered  it  just  that  this  will 
should  be  enabled  to  express  itself  freely  and  not  be 
falsified  by  a  pretended  election.  He  obtained  a 
pledge  that  the  English  government  would  support 
at  the  Ottoman  court  the  demand  made  by  France, 
Russia,  Prussia,  and  Sardinia  for  the  annulling  of  the 
Moldavian  elections.  For  the  moment  this  was  the 
essential  point.  The  action  of  Lord  Stratford  de 
Redcliffe  being  disavowed,  Napoleon  III.  declared 
himself  satisfied. 

3Ionday^  August  10.  The  Emperor  and  the  Em- 
press embarked  at  Osborne  for  Havre.  The  fare- 
wells of  the  royal  and  imperial  families  were  marked 
by  tlie  greatest  cordiality.  Two  da3'S  later,  the 
Queen  wrote  to  King  Leopold  :  "  The  visit  we  have 
just  received  has  been  satisfactory  and  agreeable  in 
every  way.  Politicall}^  it  has  l^een  a  blessing  from 
Heaven,  as  Lord  Clarendon  says,  for  the  unfortunate 
difficulties  of  the  Principalities  have  been  smoothed 
over  and  arranged  in  a  satisfactory  manner.     The 


180        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

interview  was  tranquil  and  agreeable.  Good  Osborne 
in  no  way  changed  its  unpretending  privacy  and  sim- 
plicity. The  Emperor  talked  frankly  with  Albert, 
and  Albert  did  the  same  with  him,  which  is  a  great 
advantage,  and  Palmerston  said  to  me,  the  last  day: 
'  The  Prince  can  say  many  things  which  we  cannot.' 
That  is  very  natural. 

"The  Enii^eror,  to  whom  I  conveyed  your  mes- 
sage, has  begged  me  to  say  a  thousand  kind  things 
to  you,  and  he  added  :  '  The  King  is  not  merely  very 
amiable.     He  has  a  great  deal  of  good  sense.'  " 

Lord  Clarendon  wrote  to  the  Queen:  "The  im- 
portance of  this  visit  cannot  be  overestimated,  be- 
cause the  Emperor  is  France,  and  better  still,  France 
under  its  best  aspect,  because  he  permits  himself  to 
yield  to  generous  impulses  and  to  appreciate  the 
truth.  His  alliance  with  England  has  therefore  been 
renewed  and  strengthened  at  Osborne." 

This  is  the  letter  which  the  Emperor  addressed  from 
the  Tuileries  to  Queen  Victoria,  August  15,  1857  :  — 

"  Madame  and  Dearest  Sister  :  —  We  left  Os- 
borne so  touched  by  the  kindly  welcome  of  Your 
Majesty  and  Prince  Albert,  so  penetrated  by  admira- 
tion for  the  spectacle  of  all  the  virtues  which  the 
royal  family  of  England  affords,  that  it  is  difficult 
for  me  to  find  expressions  which  will  adequately 
express  the  loyal  and  affectionate  sentiments  we 
experience  towards  Your  Majesty. 

"  It  is  so  sweet  to  think  that  aside  from  political 


THE  OSBORNE  INTERVIEW  181 

interests  Your  Majesty  and  your  family  feel  some 
affection  for  us,  that  in  the  first  rank  of  my  preoccu- 
pations I  place  the  desire  always  to  be  worthy  of  this 
august  friendship.  I  think  that  when  one  has  spent 
some  days  with  3^ou  in  the  intimacy  of  private  life, 
he  goes  away  a  better  man  ;  so  too,  when  one  has 
learned  to  appreciate  the  varied  knowledge  and  the 
lofty  judgment  of  the  Prince,  one  comes  away  wiser 
and  more  capable  of  doing  good. 

"  Deign,  I  pray  3'ou,  Madame,  to  say  to  him  who 
so  nobly  shares  your  destiny,  that  I  have  the  highest 
esteem  and  the  sincerest  friendship  for  him;  and  that 
is  to  say  how  greatly  I  count  upon  his  own. 

"  As  to  Your  Majesty's  children,  they  are  all  gifted 
with  such  good  and  charming  qualities  that  one  loves 
them  at  sight,  and  that  it  becomes  very  natural  to 
wish  them  all  the  happiness  they  merit. 

"  Adieu,  Madame.  God  grant  that  two  years  may 
not  elapse  before  we  have  the  happiness  of  seeing  you 
again,  for  the  hope  of  doing  so  is  the  sole  consolation 
for  a  painful  separation. 

"  I  beg  Your  Majesty  to  receive  kindly  the  expres- 
sion of  the  sentiments  of  high  esteem  and  entire  de- 
votion with  which  I  am  of  Your  Majesty  the  good 

brother  and  friend, 

"Napoleon." 

The  Queen,  greatly  touched  by  this  affectionate 
letter,  was  particularly  pleased  by  the  Emperor's 
praise  of  Prince  Albert.     She  said  in  her  reply  :  — 

"  I   cannot  dispute   the   favorable   opinion   which 


182        TUE  cou  ET  OF  TUE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

Your  Majest}^  lias  formed  of  my  beloved  husband, 
because  I  kno\v  that  he  deserves  it,  since  he  has  no 
ambition  but  to  do  good  and  to  make  himself  useful 
when  he  can.  In  a  position  so  isolated  as  ours,  we 
can  find  no  greater  consolation  and  no  more  sure 
support  than  the  sympathy  and  counsel  of  him  or  her 
who  is  called  to  share  our  lot  in  life,  and  the  dear 
Empress,  with  her  generous  instincts,  is  your  angel 
guardian,  as  the  Prince  is  my  true  friend." 

In  French  political  circles  the  compromises  that  had 
been  effected  on  the  subject  of  the  Danubian  Prin- 
cipalities produced  a  good  result.  M.  Benedetti, 
director  of  political  affairs  in  the  foreign  office, 
wrote,  August  14,  to  jM.  Thouvenel,  ambassador  of 
France  at  Constantinople  :  "  You  know  what  has 
been  done  at  Osborne.  To  my  notion,  it  is  a  com- 
plete success.  We  have  been  dignified  and  firm  ; 
we  have  not  withdrawn  a  syllable  of  our  claims, 
which  we  were  the  first  to  formulate,  and  England 
has  undertaken  to  make  them  prevail  at  Constanti- 
nople, dragging  along  with  her  those  good  Austrians, 
who  will  come  out  of  the  struggle  wonderfully  les- 
sened in  public  estimation.  Look  at  Lord  Stratford, 
obliged  to  make  the  Porte  accept  what  he  had  obliged 
him  to  refuse.  This  is  an  unprecedented  incident  in 
the  life  of  your  colleague  ;  better  still,  it  is  the  most 
formal  disavowal  of  his  entire  conduct.  I  enyj  you 
the  spectacle  which  your  two  colleagues  of  England 
and  Austria  must  resign  themselves  to  giving  you  in 
presence  of  that  public  of  Constantinople  which  will 
hardly  believe  its  ej^es." 


THE  OSBOBNE  INTERVIEW  183 

The  annulling  of  the  Moldavian  elections  was  de- 
clared by  the  Sultan,  and  the  representatives  of  the 
four  powers,  France,  Russia,  Prussia,  and  Sardinia, 
who  had  broken  off  diplomatic  relations  with  the 
Porte,  resumed  them.  M.  Thouvenel  wrote  :  "  There 
has  been  a  first-class  tragi-comed}-.  However,  we 
are  victors  ;  we  have  all  that  we  could  ask." 

There  was  no  longer  any  cloud  on  the  relations 
between  France  and  England.  The  brightest  days 
of  the  entente  cordiale  seemed  to  have  returned. 
Shortly  after  the  Emperor's  return  to  France,  Queen 
Victoria,  with  her  husband  and  six  of  her  children, 
made  an  excursion  to  the  Channel  Islands.  On  her 
way  back  from  Jersey  she  landed  at  Cherbourg, 
August  19,  without  having  given  any  notice  to  the 
city  authorities.  This  unexpected  appearance  of  the 
English  sovereign  on  French  soil  was  a  new  proof  of 
the  union  existing  between  the  two  countries.  The 
Queen  was  received  at  Cherbourg  with  the  most  re- 
spectful cordiality.  She  met  there  General  Her- 
billon,  the  victor  of  Traktir,  who  thanked  her  for 
having  conferred  on  him  the  order  of  the  Bath.  "  I 
wear  it  with  great  pride,"  said  he.  The  Queen  was 
delighted  to  see  the  Crimean  medal,  on  which  her 
image  is  engraved,  on  the  breasts  of  French  soldiers 
and  sailors.  The  next  day  she  visited  in  detail  the 
arsenals,  the  harbor,  the  gigantic  works  in  progress, 
and  drove  through  the  environs  of  the  city  before 
returning  to  her  vessel,  highly  satisfied  with  all  that 
she  had  seen.    August  21,  she  wrote  to  the  Emperor: 


184       THE  COURT  OF  TUE  SECOND   EMPIRE 

"  We  have  made  an  interesting  and  agreeable  visit 
at  Cherbourg.  The  works  are  magnificent  and  of 
colossal  grandeur  ;  the  roadstead  is  admirable.  The 
authorities  were  most  attentive  to  us,  and  wherever 
we  were  recognized  (for  we  wished  things  to  be  as 
private  as  possible),  the  people  showed  us  the  great- 
est affection.  We  made  a  little  improvised  excursion 
into  the  inteiior  in  a  wagonette,  with  post-horses, 
which  amused  us  very  much.  The  country  is  superb. 
It  is  agreeable,  in  these  days  of  a  civilization  which 
tends  to  bring  all  things  to  a  common  level,  to  find 
a  simple,  primitive  population,  still  truly  rustic,  and 
regions  still  unspoiled  by  contact  with  railroads. 
Normandy  is  very  beautiful.  For  us  it  was  full  of 
interesting  souvenirs,  for  it  was  the  cradle  of  Eng- 
land." 

This  peaceful  invasion  of  Normandy,  as  the  Queen 
lierself  called  it,  v/as  a  sign  of  the  times.  It  proved 
how  greatly  the  ancient  jealousies  had  lost  their 
force.  The  personal  relations  between  Napoleon  III. 
and  Queen  Victoria  were  excellent.  Nevertheless 
the  Emperor,  in  spite  of  the  cordial  welcome  he  had 
received  at  Osborne,  was  obliged  to  recognize  that 
his  schemes  concerning  Italy  and  his  desire  to 
cliange  the  map  of  Europe  would  not  obtain  the 
assent  of  the  British  government,  and  Prince  Albert 
had  very  frankly  told  him  what  importance  England 
attached  to  the  maintenance  of  the  treaties  of  1815. 
It  was  towards  Russia  that  Napoleon  III.  was  to 
turn  his  eyes,  in  the  hope  of  profitino-  by  the  bitter- 


THE  OSBORNE  INTERVIEW  185 

ness  felt  by  that  power  against  Austria.  But  he 
took  good  care  not  to  unveil  his  projects  prema- 
turely, and  used  every  means  to  make  it  believed 
that  a  close  union  existed  between  himself  and  the 
English.  One  would  have  thought  that  he  aimed  at 
nothing  but  the  perpetual  maintenance  of  the  peace 
of  Europe. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

THE   OPENING   OF   THE  NEW  LOUVEE 

A  UGUST  14,  1857,  took  place  one  of  the  most 
^  memorable  ceremonies  of  the  reign  of  Napoleon 
III. ,  the  opening  of  the  new  Louvre.  Nothing  is 
more  beautiful  than  those  peaceful  victories  which 
cost  neither  blood  nor  tears,  and  which  have  as  much 
splendor  and  often  more  durability  than  the  others. 
To  complete  the  Louvre  in  such  a  way  that,  united 
to  the  Tuileries,  it  would  form  a  single  edifice  with 
that  palace,  had  been,  since  the  days  of  Francis  I. 
and  Catherine  de'  Medici,  the  dream  of  all  French 
sovereigns,  and  notably  that  of  Henry  IV.,  Louis 
XIV.,  and  the  first  Napoleon.  But  all  had  recoiled 
before  the  magnitude  of  the  task  to  be  accomplished, 
and  their  resolution  had  been  arrested  in  the  forma- 
tive period.  The  Provisional  Government  of  1848 
had  been  but  four  days  in  existence  when  it  decreed, 
as  the  victor  of  Austerlitz  had  done,  that  the  Louvre 
should  be  finished.  The  Legislative  Assembly  made  a 
law  of  this  decree,  which  Napoleon  III.  had  the  honor 
of  putting  into  execution. 

Monuments   are   always   symbols  of   the   régimes 
under  which  they  were  raised.     For  a  colossal  work 

186 


THE  OPENING   OF  THE  NEW  LOU  VUE       187 

like  the  completion  of  the  Louvre  a  strong  and  firm 
government,  prepared  for  large  expenditures  without 
having  to  be  subject  to  control  or  criticism,  was  re- 
quired. Napoleon  III.,  "that  sluggish  man  who  is 
always  in  a  hurry,"  as  some  one  said  of  him,  wished 
the  work  to  go  on  quickly,  and  he  was  obeyed.  He 
had  expressed  the  desire  that  the  reunion  of  the 
Louvre  to  the  Tuileries  should  be  accomplished 
-within  five  years,  and  the  desire  was  fulfilled  exactly. 
The  first  stone  of  the  works  was  laid  July  25,  1852. 
August  14, 1857,  the  Louvre  and  the  Tuileries  formed 
but  one  palace. 

In  his  work  entitled,  France  artistique  et  monument- 
ale^ M.  Havrard  has  thus  summed  up  this  gigantic 
performance  :  "  A  building  on  the  rue  de  Rivoli  join- 
ing that  of  Percier  and  Fontaine  ;  two  wings  more 
than  one  hundred  and  sixty  metres  in  length,  united 
by  two  shorter  wings,  one  to  this  building  on  the 
north,  the  other  to  the  gallery  beside  the  water,  and 
forming  interior  courts  ;  eight  grand  pavilions,  two 
on  the  rue  de  Rivoli,  six  on  the  Place  du  Carrousel  ; 
everywhere  on  the  pavilions,  porticos,  terraces,  up  to 
the  roofs,  the  sculptor's  work  completing  that  of  the 
architects  ;  that  part  of  the  old  Louvre  which  over- 
looked the  Tuileries  altered,  and  in  the  central  pa- 
vilion an  abundance  of  ornaments  replacing  the 
severity  of  Le  Mercier  :  for  this  enormous  task  five 
years  had  been  sufficient."  The  works,  directed  in 
the  first  place  by  the  architect  Visconti,  and  after 
his   death   in   1853   by   the   architect   Lefuel,   were 


188       THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

pushed  ahead  with  prodigious  activity.  The  decora- 
tion contained  more  than  fifteen  hundred  details  of 
sculpture  ;  one  hundred  and  fifty  statuaries  labored 
incessantly.  The  most  distinguished  sculptors, 
Duret,  Barye,  Bosio,  Cavelier,  Dumont,  Lequesne, 
Guillaume,  Simart,  etc.,  lent  their  most  zealous 
rivalry  to  the  work.  During  the  year  1857,  the 
Louvre  had  employed  not  less  than  three  hundred 
and  thirteen  thousand  two  hundred  and  seventy-two  • 
days'  work  of  artisans  laboring  on  the  spot,  not  to 
mention  the  lockmakers,  carpenters,  joiners,  who 
worked  at  home,  the  quarrymen  who  dug  out  the 
materials,  and  the  drivers  who  carted  them  over  the 
roads.  Only  French  iron  and  marble  had  been  em- 
ployed. The  architect  Duban  had  harmonized  the 
work  of  the  statuaries  and  the  ornamenters.  The 
completion  of  the  work  had  opened  two  new  ways  of 
transit,  one  for  pedestrians  under  the  Sully  pavilion, 
the  other  for  carriages  under  the  Richelieu  pavilion. 
The  entire  work  had  cost  thirty-six  million  francs. 

The  inauguration  of  the  new  edifice  was  surraunded 
with  exceptional  pomp.  August  14,  1857,  at  two 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  Emperor  and  the  Em- 
press, accompanied  by  the  princes  and  princesses  of 
the  imperial  family,  as  well  as  by  the  ladies  and  ofii- 
cers  on  duty,  set  out  from  the  château  of  the  Tuile- 
ries, crossed  the  Place  du  Carrousel  after  passing 
under  the  arch  of  triumph,  and  entered  the  Louvre 
by  the  Denon  pavilion.  Received  on  alighting  from 
the  carriage  by  M.  Achille  Fould,  Minister  of  State, 


THE  OPENING  OF  THE  NEW  LOUVRE       189 

and  by  the  great  officers  of  the  crown,  they  crossed 
a  gallery  hi  tended  for  the  museum  of  sculpture, 
ascended  the  staircase  of  the  MoUien  pavilion,  and 
entered  processionally  into  the  hall  where  the  cere- 
mony was  to  take  place.  Here  a  throne  had  been 
erected,  and  opposite  to  it,  to  right  and  left  of  the 
passage  by  which  it  was  approached,  benches  had 
been  placed  for  the  artists,  employees,  and  workmen 
who  had  labored  in  the  construction  of  the  edifice. 
The  Minister  of  State  came  forward  in  front  of  the 
imperial  platform  and  made  a  speech  which  ended  as 
follows  :  "  Neither  the  war  nor  so  many  other  diffi- 
culties which  we  have  had  to  encounter  have  inter- 
rupted this  work,  the  dream  of  so  many  kings,  and 
which  would  be  sufficient  for  the  glory  of  an  epoch 
of  peace  and  prosperity.  Your  Majesty,  whose  pres- 
ence has  often  excited  the  ardor  of  our  workers,  has 
desired  to  see  them  assembled  before  you  after  the 
completion  of  their  task.  All  throng  gladly  around 
Your  Majesty.  All  are  conscious  of  having  done 
their  duty,  and  are  proud  of  having  had  a  share  in 
this  truly  national  work."  After  this  discourse  the 
crosses  and  medals  were  distributed.  M.  Lefuel, 
chief  of  the  Louvre  works,  received  the  officer's 
cross  of  the  Legion  of  Honor,  and  the  statuary  Bosio 
that  of  a  chevalier.  Each  of  the  artists,  contractors, 
and  workmen  whose  names  were  called  mounted  the 
platform  and  received  his  recompense  from  the  Em- 
peror's hand.  When  the  distribution  was  over,  the 
sovereign  indicated  that  he  intended  to  speak.     The 


190        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

spectators  rose  to  their  feet,  and,  amidst  profound 
silence,  Napoleon  III.  delivered  the  following 
address  :  — 

"  Gentlemen,  I  rejoice  with  you  over  the  comple- 
tion of  the  Louvre.  I  congratulate  myself  especially 
on  the  causes  which  have  rendered  it  possible.  These 
are,  in  fact,  the  order,  the  restored  tranquillity,  and 
the  prosperity  which  have  permitted  me  to  finish  this 
national  work.  I  call  it  so  because  all  succeeding 
governments  have  clung  to  the  honor  of  completing 
the  dwelling  begun  by  Francis  I.  and  embellished 
by  Henry  IV.  In  the  Middle  Ages,  the  king  inhab- 
ited a  fortress  bristling  with  means  of  defence.  The 
progress  of  civilization  presently  replaced  the  cre- 
nelles and  the  weapons  of  war  by  the  results  of  sci- 
ence, letters,  and  the  arts.  Hence  the  history  of 
monuments  has  its  philosophy  like  the  history  of 
deeds.  Just  as  it  is  remarkable  tliat  under  the  first 
Revolution  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety  should 
unwittingly  have  continued  the  work  of  Louis  XL, 
Richelieu,  and  Louis  XIV.  by  striking  the  final  blow 
at  the  feudal  system  and  pursuing  that  of  unity  and 
centralization,  so  there  is  a  great  lesson  in  beholding 
the  idea  of  Henry  IV.,  of  Louis  XIIL,  Louis  XIV., 
Louis  XV.,  and  of  Napoleon  concerning  the  Louvre 
adopted  by  the  ephemeral  power  of  1848.  .  .  .  The 
completion  of  the  Louvre,  to  which  I  thank  5'ou  for 
having  contributed  with  so  much  zeal  and  ability,  is 
not  the  caprice  of  a  moment,  but  the  realization  of  a 
plan  conceived  for  the  glory  and  sustained  by  the  in- 


THE  OPENING   OF  THE  NEW  LOU  VUE       191 

terest  of  the  countiy  during  more  than  three  hundred 
years." 

Their  Majesties  withdrew  amidst  the  acclamations 
of  the  crowded  assembly,  and  returned  to  the 
Tuileries  through  the  square  court  of  the  Louvre, 
the  wicket  of  the  Colonnade,  the  rue  de  Rivoli,  the 
Richelieu  pavilion,  and  the  triumphal  arch  of  the 
Carrousel. 

At  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening  the  Minister  of 
State  presided  at  a  banquet  given  in  the  hall  of  the 
inauguration  to  four  hundred  and  seventy  guests, 
among  whom  workmen  were  in  the  majority.  One 
of  the  guests  was  a  woman,  the  widow  of  a  stone- 
cutter, who,  deprived  of  all  resources  by  the  death 
of  her  husband,  had  taken  his  place  in  the  stone- 
yards.  On  the  Minister's  right  sat  M.  Maret,  a 
contractor,  and  on  his  left  M.  Riffaut,  a  working 
stonecutter  and  dresser.  At  dessert  he  proposed 
this  toast:  "To  the  Emperor!  To  the  prosperity, 
the  glory,  the  duration  of  his  reign,  so  fruitful  of 
great  things  !  To  him  was  reserved  the  completion 
of  this  long-suspended  work.  With  so  many  other 
monuments,  it  will  transmit  his  name  to  the  recogni- 
tion and  the  admiration  of  posterity.  To  the  health 
of  the  Emperor  !  " 

The  yards  had  been  closed  all  day,  but  the  work- 
men had  been  paid  as  if  they  had  worked.  Napo- 
leon III.  was  happy.  He  had  just  wished  himself 
many  happy  returns  of  his  fête. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

BIARRITZ 

A  UGUST  17,  the  Emperor  departed  "with  the 
Empress  and  the  Prince  Imperial  for  Biarritz, 
where  he  was  to  remain  but  a  short  time,  and  where 
he  proposed  to  leave  his  wife  while  he  went  to  the 
camp  of  Chalons,  and  afterwards  to  Stuttgart.  Like 
the  Empress,  Napoleon  III.  had  taken  a  violent 
fancy  to  this  picturesque  beach.  After  seeing  the 
King  of  Wiirtemberg,  who  had  gone  there  incognito, 
he  left  it  with  regret  to  inaugurate  on  the  23d  his 
new  estate  in  the  Landes.  Desiring  to  favor  agri- 
culture and  to  give  an  effectual  proof  of  his  affec- 
tion for  the  rural  populations,  the  Emperor  had 
chosen  two  of  the  most  desolate  regions  of  France 
in  order  to  become  a  cultivator  there  himself.  These 
were  Sologne  and  the  Landes.  The  enthusiastic 
shouts  which  greeted  his  coming  showed  him  that 
his  idea  had  been  comprehended.  The  domain  he 
had  JList  acquired  in  the  Landes  contained  some 
fifteen  thousand  acres  of  marsh  and  heather.  His 
Majesty  had  selected  the  points  where  the  greatest 
efforts  and  the  most  experiments  must  be  made. 

In  that  part  of  it  which  v.'as  situated  in  the  canton 
192 


BIARRITZ  193 

of  Sabres,  there  was  already  a  small  wooden  farm- 
house, not  unlike  a  Swiss  chalet,  and  comprising, 
besides  the  master's  lodging,  a  stable,  a  cattle-shed, 
and  a  granary  for  fodder.  At  the  station  of  Bou- 
heyre,  the  Emperor  accepted  a  breakfast  offered  him 
by  the  prefect  of  the  Landes,  M.  Cornuau.  Among 
the  crowd  of  peasants  in  blue  bonnets  were  notice- 
able the  êchassiers,  those  nomads  of  tlie  Landes  who 
run  through  the  heather  or  spring  across  the  marshes 
on  stilts,  and  whose  gigantic  strides  enable  them  to 
keep  pace  with  the  most  rapid  riders. 

At  Sabres  the  Emperor  stopped  before  a  mass  of 
iron  which  represented  the  barren  land  and  the 
impress  of  the  imperial  foot,  with  this  inscription: 
"  Napoleon  III.  is  the  first  sovereign  who  has  placed 
his  foot  on  this  arid  land  with  the  noble  intention  of 
fertilizing  and  regenerating  it."  At  the  village  of 
Bouheyre  the  Emperor  passed  under  triumplul  arches 
formed  of  fir-branches  and  rose-heather.  Preceded 
by  a  mounted  guard  of  honor  organized  by  the  young 
men  of  the  region,  he  stopped  before  a  column  bear- 
ing this  inscription  :  "  To  Napoleon  III.,  regenerator 
of  the  Landes,  the  grateful  ironworkers." 

To  fertilize  uncultiva,ted  lands  had  been  one  of  the 
dreams  of  the  prisoner  of  Ham  which  it  delighted 
the  Emperor  to  realize.  Pleased  with  what  he  had 
seen  in  the  Landes,  he  reached  Paris  on  August  24, 
and  left  it  again  the  next  day  for  the  camp  of  Cha- 
lons, that  one  of  his  creations  which  he  valued  most. 

The    Empress    remained   at   Biarritz   for  several 


194        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

v/eeks.  For  this  place  she  did  what  the  Duchess  of 
Beny  had  done  for  Dieppe.  It  was  she  who  made  it 
the  fashion.  One  might  almost  say  that  she  invented 
it. 

Biarritz,  which  is  now  a  city  of  eight  thousand 
souls,  and  one  of  the  most  famous  seaside  resorts  for 
fashionable  people  in  all  the  world,  was  nothing, 
fifty  years  ago,  but  a  fisliing-village,  an  obscure  ham- 
let whose  name  no  one  ever  mentioned.  The  Em- 
press Eugénie  was  allured  by  the  picturesque  aspect 
of  this  beautiful  beach  covered  with  fine  sand,  and  by 
the  strangely  shaped  rocks  which  emerge  at  varying 
intervals  :  the  Coustelette,  the  Frégate^  the  Roche- 
Ronde^  the  Roclie-Plate^  the  Rocher  de  la  Vierge;  by 
those  poetic  and  mysterious  grottoes,  the  grotto  des 
ÉcriU^  the  Chambre  d'Amour.  The  latter  has  its 
legend:  the  shepherd  Ousa  and  his  betrothed.  Edera, 
were  walking  at  nightfall  on  the  shore,  exchanging 
words  of  love,  and  deaf  to  the  murmur  of  the  rising 
tide.  Surprised  by  the  water  they  took  refuge  in  an 
excavation  perfidiously  offered  them  by  the  steep 
cliff,  where  they  were  found  next  day  enveloped  in 
seaweed  and  each  other's  arms. 

The  azure  sea,  the  dark-foliaged  pines,  the  yellow 
rocks,  form  a  mass  of  color  well  calculated  to  charm 
an  artist.  The  main  beach,  about  a  kilometre  in 
length  as  far  as  Cape  Saint  Martin,  where  there  is  a 
lighthouse,  and  which  is  cut  in  two  by  a  little  prom- 
ontory; the  second,  that  of  the  Basques,  where 
the  waves,  meeting  no  obstacle,  attain  extraordinary 


BIARRITZ  195 

violence  ;  tlie  mountains  on  the  horizon,  the  Rhune,  the 
Haya,  the  Jalzquivel,  —  combine  to  form  a  panorama 
as  original  as  grandiose.  A  dweller  there  has  said, 
"Between  the  superb  ocean  and  the  verdant  land- 
scape, Biarritz  shines  like  a  diamond  inserted  in  a 
sheet  of  emerald." 

For  the  Empress  the  great  charm  of  Biarritz  was 
possibly  its  nearness  to  Spain.  Faithful  to  her  first 
country,  she  loved  to  find  herself  among  persons 
whom  she  had  known  from  childhood.  No  language 
seemed  to  her  finer  or  more  sonorous  than  her  mother- 
tongue.  Many  Spaniards  came  to  greet  her  at  Biar- 
ritz, where  she  enjoyed  all  that  is  pleasant  in  the  life 
of  a  private  individual  while  retaining  all  the  prestige 
of  sovereignty.  September  17,  1857,  she  made  an 
excursion  on  Spanish  soil  to  Saint-Sebastian,  which 
was  especially  enjoyable. 

Situated  on  an  islet  of  the  gulf  of  Gascony  which 
is  connected  with  the  continent  by  a  wooden  bridge, 
Saint-Sebastian,  a  fortified  town,  is  the  seat  of  the 
general  captaincy  of  Guipuzcoa. 

To  account  for  the  pleasure  the  Empress  experi- 
enced in  being  formally  received  in  a  Spanish  town, 
one  must  remember  the  sentiments  she  always  cher- 
ished for  Spain  and  for  Queen  Isabella,  of  whom  her 
mother,  the  Countess  de  Montijo,  had  been  the  cama- 
rera  mayor.  The  ambassador  of  Spain  at  Paris,  the 
Duke  de  Mandas,  has  recently  communicated  to  me 
two  curious  letters  which  bring  out  plainly  those 
sentiments  of  the  Empress.     Her  marriage  to  Napo- 


196        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

leon  III.  had  been  agreed  on  when  she  wrote  as 
follows  to  her  sovereign  :  "  Madame,  Your  Majesty- 
will  allow  me  to  allude  to  what  my  mother  has  the 
honor  to  lay  more  fully  at  your  feet,  and  to  restrict 
myself  to  rendering  to  Your  Majesty,  on  this  occasion 
which  overwhelms  me  with  so  much  honor,  the  loyal 
tribute  of  my  emotions.  Aggrandized  by  the  designs 
of  Divine  Providence  which  I  accept  without  know- 
ing them,  all  my  inclinations  accord  with  my  duties 
in  urging  me  to  renew  here  the  sincere  profession  of 
the  sentiments  of  respect,  loyalty,  and  love  towards 
your  august  person  in  which,  for  my  happiness,  I 
was  brought  up. 

"  I  am  confident,  Madame,  that  Your  INIajesty,  well 
persuaded  of  what  I  have  just  expressed,  will  deign 
to  consider  the  event  which  leads  me  to  the  throne 
as  a  fortunate  one.  I  am  above  all  confident  that 
Your  Majesty,  satisfied  with  my  personal  sentiments, 
will  be  convinced,  as  I  earnestly  pray,  that  in  the 
high  and  dangerous  position  I  am  to  occupy,  I  shall 
have  no  thought  but  that  of  contributing  to  the 
utmost  of  my  power  to  draw  still  closer  the  ties  which 
unite  two  great  nations  and  two  great  monarchs  to 
whose  service  I  shall  be  perpetually  devoted  by  love 
and  duty. 

"  May  Your  Majesty  deign  to  receive  with  kindli- 
ness this  declaration  so  cordially  made  ! 

"May  God  preserve  the  precious  life  of  Your 
Majesty  for  as  many  years  as  maj-  be  necessary  for 
the  Spanish  monarchy  ! 


BIARRITZ  197 

"  At  the  feet  of  Your  Roj^al  Majesty, 

"  Eugénie  de  Guzman,  Countess  de  Teba. 

"  Paris,  Jan.  20,  1853." 

The  following  is  a  translation  of  Queen  Isabella's 
reply  :  — 

"  Countess  de  Teba, — It  is  with  the  utmost  satis- 
faction that  I  received  your  letter  of  the  20th.  The 
singular  destiny  devolved  upon  you  by  Divine  Provi- 
dence, and  the  sentiments  of  love  and  devotion  for 
me  personally  which  you  manifest  at  such  supreme 
moments,  fill  me  with  satisfaction  and  gratitude  for 
your  noble  loyalty. 

"  You  may  rely  on  my  entire  consent  to  a  union  so 
glorious  for  you,  and  be  ît:,sured  of  the  wishes  I  make 
for  your  happiness  and  that  of  the  Emperor  in  desir- 
ing that,  both  guided  by  the  hand  of  the  Almighty, 
you  will  conduct  that  great  nation  to  the  highest 
degree  of  prosperity  and  well-being. 

"  In  the  difficult  and  dangerous  path  which  you 
must  hereafter  follow,  always  take  confidence  in 
the  Supreme  Being  for  your  guide,  and  the  duty 
of  sacrificing  everything  for  the  Emperor  and  for 
France. 

"  Such  are  the  sentiments  of  the  Queen  and  the 

counsels  of  your  affectionate 

"  Isabella." 

Since  her  accession  to  the  throne,  the  Empress 
Eugénie  had  neglected  no  means  of  maintaining  the 
most   cordial   relations   between   Paris  and  Madrid, 


198        THE    COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

and  she  certainly  never  suspected  that  a  day  would 
come  when  the  affairs  of  Spain  would  be  the  indirect 
cause  which  would  bring  about  the  fall  of  the 
Napoleonic  dynasty.  Remote  from  such  presenti- 
ments, she  looked  once  more  upon  her  native  soil 
with  transports  of  delight. 

September  17,  1857,  Her  Majesty,  accompanied  by 
her  two  ladies  of  the  palace,  the  Countess  de  Monte- 
bello  and  the  Viscountess  de  la  Poëze,  as  well  as  by 
the  Marchioness  de  Contades,  embarked  at  Biarritz 
with  her  sister,  the  Duchess  of  Alba,  on  the  steam- 
boat Coligny.  She  arrived  at  Saint-Sebastian  as 
night  was  falling.  The  city  was  illuminated.  The 
air  rang  with  shouts.  The  band  of  the  Almanza  regi- 
ment played  the  national  airs.  Her  Majesty's  first 
visit  was  paid  to  the  church  of  Santa  Maria,  where 
the  Royal  March  was  played  on  the  organ.  Next 
she  went  to  the  town  hall,  which  occupies  one  entire 
side  of  the  Plaza  Nueva,  a  fine  square  surrounded  by 
porticos  and  houses  with  iron  balconies  constructed 
on  a  uniform  plan.  All  the  authorities  paid  her  their 
respects;  she  was  served  with  ices,  and  when  she 
made  her  appearance  on  the  balcony  of  the  hall,  all 
the  people  hailed  her  with  enthusiastic  applause.  She 
returned  to  the  port  preceded  by  a  band  and  a  torch- 
light procession.  The  Coligny  was  illuminated  by 
Bengal  lights,  which  cast  reflections  on  the  immense 
crowds  on  the  jetty.  The  bridge  of  the  vessel  was 
converted  into  an  elegant  dining-room.  The  sail  back  . 
to  Biarritz  was  charming.     After  dinner  a  piano  was 


BIARRITZ  199 

brought  to  the  bridge  and  dancing  went  on  under  the 
moon  and  stars.  The  sea  was  as  clear  and  tranquil 
as  a  lake. 

On  the  same  day  —  September  17,  1857  —  the 
Emperor,  in  the  camp  of  Chalons,  was  receiving  the 
visit  of  the  Duke  of  Cambridge,  cousin  of  Queen 
Victoria. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

THE  CAMP   OF   CHALONS 

ISTTAPOLEON  III.  left  Paris  August  29,  1857,  for 
the  camp  of  Chalons.  Accompanied  by  Gen- 
erals Espinasse,  de  Failly,  de  Montebello,  Fleury,  his 
aides-de-camp,  and  Prince  Joachim  Murat,  he  arrived 
there  towards  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening.  The 
entire  imperial  guard  was  assembled,  comprising  an 
effective  force  of  twenty-two  thousand  men  and  five 
thousand  horses.  The  Emperor  assumed  command 
immediately  on  his  arrival,  General  Regnaud  de 
Saint-Jean  d'Angély,  commander-in-chief  of  the  guard, 
fulfilling  merely  those  of  major-general. 

The  camp  of  Chalons  was  a  recent  creation  of 
Napoleon  III.  It  dated  from  1856,  the  time  when 
General  Fleury  and  Colonel  de  Castelnau  had  been 
sent  to  reconnoitre  the  ground,  stake  out  the  barracks, 
and  designate  the  site  of  the  imperial  and  general 
quarters.  This  manœuvriug  ground,  an  immense 
quadrilateral  where  one  hundred  thousand  men  can 
manoeuvre  at  ease,  is  the  largest  in  the  entire  world. 

A  pavilion  had  been  erected  for  Their  Majesties  ; 
to  left  and  right  of  it  were  two  small  barracks  in- 
tended for  the  ladies  of  the  palace  ;  to  the  right  of 

200 


THE  CAMP  OF  CHALONS  201 

these  there  was  a  vast  salon,  and  to  the  left  a  dining- 
room  which  could  seat  a  hundred  guests.  The  tents 
of  the  officers  of  the  Emperor's  household  were  to 
right  and  left  in  an  alley  behind  the  imperial  pavilion 
and  leading  to  the  stables  ;  the  latter  were  situated 
in  the  middle  of  a  pine -grove,  and  were  easily  capable 
of  housing  a  hundred  saddle-horses.  Opposite  these 
stables  was  the  quarter  of  the  squadron  of  hundred- 
guards,  with  barracks  and  mess  for  officers  and 
soldiers.  All  this  ensemble  of  wooden  buildings 
were  painted  alike.  In  no  European  camp  were 
there  better  organized  imperial  or  royal  quarters. 

Napoleon  III.  was  never  happier  than  when  in  the 
midst  of  his  troops,  and  especially  of  his  guard. 
There  he  felt  himself  truly  Emperor,  imperator. 
He  had  always  had  a  passion  for  military  matters  and 
believed  in  his  own  talents  as  a  tactician  and  his 
aptitudes  as  a  commander-in-chief.  Having  suffered 
greatly  on  account  of  his  absence  from  the  Crimean 
battlefields,  he  counted  on  taking  his  revenge.  While 
conducting  the  manoeuvres  of  his  troops  at  Chalons 
he  promised  himself  to  lead  them  soon  to  victory. 
He  loved  the  soldiers  and  was  loved  by  them.  He 
knew  how  to  talk  to  them  in  a  suitable  way.  They 
found  him  gentle,  kindly,  and  benevolent.  General 
Fleury  says  :  "  Greatly  inclined  to  encourage  inven- 
tions, he  was  constantly  planning  possible  improve- 
ments in  the  hygiene  and  nourishment  of  the  soldiers. 
Not  satisfied  with  questioning  the  colonels  as  to  the 
results  obtained,  whether  with  regard  to  a  new  style 


202        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

of  shoes  or  a  change  of  habiliments,  the  Emperor 
collected  the  opinions  of  the  soldiers  of  the  guard, 
whom  he  questioned  one  by  one.  His  solicitude  was 
constant  and  fatherly,  and  his  generosity  unbounded. 
How  manj^  officers  of  every  rank  owe  to  him  the 
comfort  of  their  families  !  How  many  unfortunates 
were  succored  in  those  audiences  which  were  always 
granted  !  " 

Napoleon  III.  felt  at  ease  in  a  camp.  As  his  body 
was  long  and  his  legs  short,  he  looked  particularly 
well  on  horseback  and  was  an  excellent  rider.  The 
uniform  became  him  and  he  made  a  grand  appearance 
in  face  of  the  troops. 

On  his  arrival  the  Emperor  addressed  the  follow- 
ing order  of  the  day  to  the  troops  :  "  Soldiers  !  I 
have  assembled  you  here  under  my  command  because 
it  is  useful  that  the  army  should  imbibe  the  same 
spirit,  the  same  discipline,  the  same  instruction  in  the 
common  life  of  camps.  Now  the  guard,  as  a  select 
corps,  should  be  the  first  to  maintain  by  constant 
efforts  the  rank  given  it  by  its  former  traditions 
and  its  recent  services  on  the  field  of  battle.  The 
Romans,  says  Montesquieu,  considered  peace  as  an 
exercise  and  war  as  an  application  ;  and,  in  fact,  the 
successes  obtained  by  young  armies,  are,  in  general, 
only  the  application  of  serious  studies  made  during 
peace." 

The  order  of  the  day  terminated  by  these  counsels, 
given  to  the  chiefs  and  to  the  soldiers  :  "  I  recom- 
mend to  the  one  a  paternal  severity,  to  the  others  a 


THE  CAMP   OF  CHALONS  '     203 

necessary  obedience  ;  to  all  good  will  and  to  all  a 
rigorous  observance  of  dress  ;  because  dress  is  respect 
for  the  uniform,  and  the  uniform  is  the  emblem  of 
that  noble  art  of  abnegation  and  devotion  of  which 
you  ought  always  to  be  proud.  Never  forget  that 
every  characteristic  sign  of  the  army,  beginning  with 
the  flag,  represents  a  moral  idea,  and  that  your  duty 
is  to  honor  it.  This  camp,  therefore,  wall  not  be  an 
idle  spectacle  afforded  to  public  curiosity,  but  a 
serious  school  which  we  shall  be  able  to  render  profit- 
able by  sustained  labors,  and  of  which  the  results  will 
be  evident  if  the  country  ever  has  need  of  you." 

The  camp  of  Chalons  wore  a  holidaj'-  aspect.  The 
presence  of  a  sovereign  then  in  full  prestige  was  an 
honor  and  encouragement  to  troops  that  were  gay,  in 
good  health,  and  proud  of  themselves.  The  richness 
and  variety  of  the  uniforms  ;  the  recollection  of  the 
recent  exploits  of  the  guard  in  the  Crimea  ;  the  en- 
thusiasm excited  by  military  things  in  all  classes  of 
French  society;  the  fine  appearance  of  the  troops, 
their  perfect  discipline,  their  excellent  bands;  the 
dinners  in  the  imperial  quarters,  where  all  the  gen- 
erals, superior  officers,  and  the  eldest  in  each  grade 
were  invited  in  turn  to  the  sovereign's  table  ;  the  af- 
fability of  the  Emperor,  who,  after  the  morning  and 
night  repast  of  from  sixty  to  eighty  covers,  chatted 
familiarly  with  his  guests,  the  immense  proportions  of 
an  unrivalled  manoeuvring  ground,  —  all  contributed 
to  give  to  the  inauguration  of  the  camp  of  Chalons 
an  exceptional  attraction  and  charm. 


204     'THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

Napoleon  III.  displayed  great  activity.  He  mounted 
a  horse  daily,  was  present  at  all  the  partial  exercises, 
visited  the  environs  so  rich  in  historic  souvenirs,  and 
in  every  village  througli  which  he  passed  left  behind 
him  proofs  of  his  munificence.  A  crowd  of  peasants, 
coming  from  ten  to  fifteen  leagues  distance,  remained 
whole  days  in  front  of  the  imperial  quarters  and  went 
away  content  after  they  had  seen  the  Emperor.  All 
the  exercises  were  performed  with  perfect  regularity. 
The  camp  presented  an  admirable  ensemble.  The 
guard  manifested  that  precision,  that  coolness  in  the 
manoeuvres,  which  it  was  its  duty  to  present  as  an 
example  to  the  entire  army. 

Religious  ceremonies  blended  with  those  that  were 
military.  September  5,  the  Cardinal-Archbishop  of 
Rheims  came  to  visit  the  sovereign  and  remained  all 
day  at  the  camp.  On  the  13th,  Mass  was  celebrated 
on  an  altar  in  the  open  air,  in  the  midst  of  the  troops, 
by  Mgr.  Honoré,  coadjutor  of  the  Bishop  of  Chalons. 
At  the  elevation  the  clarions  sounded,  the  drums 
beat  a  salute.  Nothing  could  be  more  grandiose 
than  this  homasre  to  the  God  of  armies. 

September  17,  the  Emperor  received  at  the  camp 
two  illustrious  guests.  Englishmen  who  had  taken  a 
glorious  part  in  the  Crimean  War,  the  Duke  of  Cam- 
bridge, cousin  of  Queen  Victoria,  and  Lord  Cardigan, 
the  hero  of  the  famous  charge  of  Balaclava.  The 
Duke  of  Cambridge  was  accompanied  by  three  aides- 
de-camp, —  Lord  Burghersh,  Colonel  Clifton,  and 
Colonel  ]Maude.     To  do  honor  to  the  cousin  of  Her 


THE  CAMP   OF  CHALONS  205 

Britannic  Majesty,  the  Emperor  sent  General  Fleury 
and  two  platoons  of  the  hundred-guards  to  meet  them 
at  the  Mourmelon  station  and  act  as  their  escort  to 
the  imperial  quarters.  A  double  line  of  cavalry  ex- 
tended all  along  the  way.  During  the  day,  Napoleon 
III.  and  the  Duke  of  Cambridge  went  together  through 
the  camp.  The  prince,  whose  valor  was  known,  was 
the  object  of  very  enthusiastic  demonstrations  on  the 
part  of  the  troops.  They  remembered  the  Alma  and 
Inkermann  and  Balaclava.  They  saw  again  with 
pleasure  the  red  uniforms  of  their  former  companions 
in  arms.  The  following  day,  the  Duke  of  Cambridge 
and  Lord  Cardigan  were  present  at  manoeuvres  which, 
like  those  of  the  previous  day,  were  commanded  by 
the  Emperor  in  person. 

On  Sunday,  the  20th,  ]Mass  was  celebrated  in  a 
more  than  usually  solemn  manner.  It  was  said  by 
the  Emperor's  first  almoner,  Mgr.  Menjaud.  The 
troops,  in  full  uniform  ranged  around  the  altar,  the 
cavalry  on  horseback,  the  artillery  with  its  batteries 
harnessed,  presented  a  magnificent  appearance.  After 
Mass,  all  the  imperial  guard  filed  past  the  sovereign 
and  the  English  prince  amidst  a  considerable  con- 
course of  visitors  from  the  neighboring  towns,  and 
even  from  Paris.  On  the  21st  the  Emperor  and  the 
Duke  of  Cambridge  bivouacked  with  the  guard  at 
Suippe.  The  next  day  the  Duke  took  leave  of  the  sov- 
ereign, who  went  with  him  to  the  Mourmelon  station. 
During  five  days  the  cousin  of  Queen  Victoria  had 
been  loaded  with  attentions  and  courtesies.     He  had 


206        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

witnessed  grand  manœuvres,  experiments  in  shoot- 
ing, superb  dinners,  performances  on  an  improvised 
stage.  He  had  been  feted,  petted,  greeted  with 
applause.  The  Emperor  would  not  have  received 
a  sovereign  better. 

Napoleon  III.  had  a  very  special  reason  for  giving 
the  English  prince  so  brilliant  a  welcome.  On 
leaving  the  camp  of  Chalons  he  was  going  to  Stutt- 
gart to  meet  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  an  interview 
which  could  not  fail  to  disquiet  England.  In  lavish- 
ing attentions  on  the  Queen's  cousin  he  was  striving 
to  prove  that  a  Russian  alliance  would  not  destroy 
the  English  one. 

The  Emperor  left  for  Stuttgart  September  23, 
after  having  remained  a  month  at  the  Camp  of 
Chalons.  He  was  to  stop  on  the  road  at  Lunéville, 
Strasburg,  and  Baden. 


CHAPTER  XXV 

STEASBUEG  AND   BADEN 

'T^^HE  capital  of  Wurtemberg  was  a  fortunately 
selected  spot  for  an  interview  between  the  Em- 
peror of  the  French  and  the  Czar.  Alexander  II. 
took  a  keen  interest  in  the  sovereigns  of  the  second- 
ary states  of  Germany,  whom  he  considered  as  friends 
and  clients.  The  Emperor  Nicholas,  his  father,  was 
the  son  of  a  princess  of  Wiirtemberg,  and  this  family 
tie  had  established  and  maintained  amicable  rela- 
tions between  Stuttgart  and  St.  Petersburg.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  was  to  Napoleon  I.  that  Duke  Fred- 
eric of  Wiirtemberg  owed  the  royal  crown  and  an 
increase  of  his  dominions  after  the  battle  of  Auster- 
litz.  Jerome  Bonaparte,  former  King  of  Westphalia, 
who  had  married  the  daughter  of  King  Frederic, 
was  the  brother-in-law  of  the  son  and  successor  of 
that  monarch,  King  William. 

One  might  say  that  the  Stuttgart  interview  had 
been  arranged  for  at  least  a  year.  In  going  to  this 
city  Napoleon  III.  returned  the  visit  paid  him  by 
the  King  of  Wiirtemberg  in  1856.  King  William 
had  left  the  Tuileries  enchanted  with  his  reception, 
and  he  congratulated  himself  on  being  able  to  do 

207 


208        THE  COURT  OF  TUE  SECOND  EMPIRE 


the  honors  of  his  own  capital  to  the  Emperor  in 
return.  Let  us  add  that  the  Princess  ^lathilde  had 
gone  to  Stuttgart  in  1856,  on  the  occasion  of  her 
uncle's  feast-day.  Her  beauty,  grace,  and  wit  had 
produced  the  best  impression  there,  and  her  visit, 
which  was  meant  to  be  short,  was  prolonged  by 
express  invitation  of  the  sovereign.  Nor  let  us 
forget  that  one  of  the  best  friends  of  Napoleon  III., 
the  Queen  of  Holland,  was  the  daughter  of  the 
King  of  Wiirtemberg,  who  felt  a  great  affection  for 
her,  and  saw  her  often.  All  these  influences  and 
souvenirs  combined  to  assure  the  Emperor  the  most 
sympathetic  and  cordial  reception  from  Wiirtemberg 
and  its  sovereign.  All  Germany,  with  the  possible 
exception  of  the  German  states  of  Austria,  looked 
favorably  on  a  journey  which  from  Strasburg  to 
Stuttgart  was  simply  a  series  of  ovations. 

In  the  morning  of  September  24,  1857,  Napoleon 
reviewed  a  cavalry  division  at  Lunéville.  At  three 
o'clock  he  arrived  at  Strasburg,  accompanied  by  two 
of  his  aides-de-camp.  General  Fleury  and  General 
de  Failly,  as  well  as  by  one  of  his  orderlies.  Prince 
Joachim  Murat.  He  Avas  received  at  the  station  by 
the  authorities,  the  deputies  of  the  department,  and 
Vicomte  de  Serre,  Minister  of  France  at  Carlsruhe. 
The  railway  station  had  been  brilliantly  illuminated. 
A  vast  platform  was  occupied  by  the  ladies  of  the 
city,  who  rained  flowers  upon  the  sovereign  as  he 
passed.  A  triumphal  arch  surmounted  by  the  im- 
perial eagle,  and  covered  with  emblems,  had  been 


STRASBURG  AND  BADEN  209 

erected  at  the  entry  of  the  street  leading  from  the 
station.  Private  homes  and  public  buildings  were 
hung  with  flags,  and  adorned  with  garlands  sur- 
rounding the  Emperor's  escutcheon.  After  passing 
through  the  reception-room,  Napoleon  III.  found 
the  mayors  of  all  the  communes  assembled  in  the 
court  of  the  departure  platform,  and  was  received 
by  them  with  acclamations.  No  province  of  the 
empire  was  more  devoted  to  him  than  Alsace.  He 
spoke  to  several  of  the  city  magistrates,  and  charged 
them  to  tell  the  constituencies  they  represented 
how  deeply  he  felt  the  marks  of  confidence  and 
sympathy  which  they  had  given  him  under  all  cir- 
cumstances. 

On  leaving  the  station  the  Emperor  mounted  a 
horse  and  went  with  his  escort  to  the  house  of  the 
prefecture,  where  apartments  had  been  made  ready 
for  him.  Halting  on  the  Place  Kléber,  he  reviewed 
the  troops  of  the  division,  who  saluted  him  with  en- 
thusiastic cheers.  He  received  the  authorities  at 
the  prefecture,  where  the  Grand  Duke  of  Baden 
arrived  at  five  o'clock. 

The  Grand  Duke  of  the  period  was  Frederic  Wil- 
liam Louis,  born  in  1826,  and  married  in  1856  to  a 
daughter  of  the  Prince  of  Prussia,  the  future  Em- 
peror William.  The  latter  had  not  failed  to  tell  his 
son-in-law  how  pleased  he  had  been  with  his  recep- 
tion at  the  Tuileries  at  the  end  of  1856.  In  1855 
the  Grand  Duke  had  likewise  been  the  guest  of  Napo- 
leon III.,  and  had  felicitated  himself  greatly  on  the 


210        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

attentions  paid  him.  And  finally,  the  Dowager  Grand 
Duchess  of  Baden,  Stéphanie  de  Beauharnais,  who  had 
remained  in  the  Grand  Duchy  after  the  death  of  her 
husband,  the  Grand  Duke  Charles  Louis  Frederic, 
in  1818,  was  doing  her  utmost  to  establish  lasting 
relations  of  good  neighborhood  and  friendship  be- 
tween France  and  Germany. 

The  Vicomte  de  Serre,  minister  of  France  at  Carls- 
ruhe,  wrote  September  15,  1857  :  "  In  case  the  Em- 
peror should  pass  through  Badenese  territory,  the 
Grand  Duke  would  prize  inestimably  the  opportunity 
of  testifying  to  His  Majesty  the  sentiments  of  re- 
spectful friendship  and  profound  gratitude  with 
which  he  was  imbued  two  years  ago  by  the  kind 
and  friendly  reception  accorded  to  himself  at  the 
imperial  court.  On  this  hypothesis,  the  Grand  Duke 
would  especially  hope  that,  if  the  Emperor  should 
rest  at  Manheim  or  at  Baden,  he  would  not  refuse 
to  alight  either  at  the  palace  of  Manheim  or  the  cas- 
tle of  Baden,  and  the  wishes  of  His  Royal  Highness 
would  meet  entire  fulfilment  if,  in  passing  through 
Carlsruhe,  the  Emperor  would  deign  to  stop  and  ac- 
cept there  the  hospitality  which  he  would  be  so 
happy  to  offer  him." 

Arriving  at  Strasburg,  the  Grand  Duke  compli- 
mented the  Emperor  and  received  his  promise  to 
breakfast  with  him  the  next  day  at  Baden.  In  the 
evening.  Napoleon  III.  dined  at  the  prefecture  with 
the  prefects  of  the  upper  and  lower  Rhine,  the 
bishops  of   Strasburg    and   Mulhouse,  the  generals, 


STRASBURG  AND  BADEN  211 

mayors,  and  deputies.  He  afterwards  went  to  the 
theatre.  In  the  hall,  as  well  as  in  the  approaches  to 
it,  he  was  greeted  with  acclamations.  Private  houses, 
the  steeple  of  the  cathedral,  and  the  jDublic  buildings 
were  illuminated. 

At  this  period  the  inhabitants  of  Strasburg  and 
those  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Baden  were  on  excel- 
lent terms.  The  two  shores  of  the  Rhine  did  not 
look  askance  at  each  other  across  the  stream.  The 
fashionable  society  of  Paris  had  adopted  Baden  as 
one  of  its  favorite  meeting-grounds.  This  vogue  of 
Baden,  already  existing  under  the  reign  of  Louis 
Philippe,  had  increased  under  that  of  Napoleon  III. 
Nothing  more  brilliant  in  the  sporting  world  or  that 
of  fashion  existed  than  the  races  and  the  season  at 
Baden.  Parisians  of  distinction,  members  of  the 
Jockey  Club,  society  women,  artists,  literary  men, 
thronged  thither.  Alsatians  and  Baden  people  were 
incessantly  crossing  the  bridge  of  Kehl,  and  bore 
each  other  no  grudge.  These,  from  the  tojD  of  the 
terrace  of  the  cathedral  of  Strasburg,  beheld  without 
jealousy  the  verdant  fields  of  the  grand  duchy. 
Those  saw  without  anxiety  the  French  pontoniers 
performing  their  evolutions  on  the  Rhine,  that  flood 
which  has  so  often  streamed  with  blood.  Old  quar- 
rels and  old  rancors  seemed  to  be  appeased.  Napo- 
leon III.,  who  in  his  childhood  and  youth  had  in- 
habited the  château  of  Arenenberg,  in  Switzerland, 
on  the  frontier  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Baden,  had 
often  come  to  Constance  and  had  many  friends  in 


212        TTIE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

Baden.  His  accession  to  the  throne  had  given  pleas- 
ure in  this  country  where  he  was  beloved. 

The  Emperor  quitted  Strasburg  at  eight  o'clock 
in  the  morning  of  September  25,  for  Stuttgart.  On 
the  German  bank  of  the  Rhine  a  considerable  crowd 
had  collected  to  meet  him.  The  city  of  Kehl  was 
draped  with  Badenese  and  French  flags.  Arriving 
at  Baden  at  ten  o'clock,  Napoleon  III.  was  received 
at  the  station  by  the  Grand  Duke,  the  Grand  Duchess 
Stéphanie,  and  the  Prince  of  Prussia.  Accompanied 
by  them,  he  went  in  an  open  carriage  to  the  castle, 
where  he  dined  with  the  grand  ducal  family  and  the 
future  Emperor  William.  As  he  was  leaving  the 
palace,  the  Grand  Duke  called  his  attention  to  a  com- 
pany of  guards  which  had  preserved  the  flag  it  had 
under  the  First  Empire,  when  the  Badenese  were 
companions  in  arms  of  the  French. 

The  Emperor  left  Baden  at  half-past  one.  All 
along  the  road  to  Stuttgart  he  received  evidences  of 
the  cordial  sympathy  of  the  Germanic  peoples.  At 
Rastadt,  a  federal  fortress,  built  not  long  before  in 
defiance  of  France,  the  inhabitants  came  to  meet  him 
with  acclamations.  The  soldiers  had  adorned  their 
caps  and  shakos  with  green  branches  as  if  for  a  holi- 
day. The  regimental  bands  plaj^ed  La  Heine  Hor- 
tense.  Salutes  were  fired  by  the  artillery  on  the 
ramparts.  At  Rastadt  Napoleon  III.  was  compli- 
mented by  Their  Grand-ducal  Highnesses  William 
and  ^Maximilian,  by  the  governor  of  the  fortress,  and 
by  the  War  Minister  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Baden. 


STRASBURG  AND  BADEN  213 

The  Grand  Duke  and  the  Prince  of  Prussia  went 
with  him  as  far  as  Carlsruhe,  where  he  met  with  the 
same  enthusiasm  on  the  part  of  the  people,  and  the 
Grand  Duchess  Stéphanie  insisted  on  accompanying 
him  to  Bruchsal,  the  railway  junction  of  the  grand 
duchy  and  Wiirtemberg. 


CHAPTER   XXVI 

THE  STUTTGART   INTERVIEW 

TTTILLIAM  I.,  King  of  Wiirtemberg,  was  enter- 
ing his  seventy-seventh  year  at  the  time  when 
Napoleon  III.  became  his  guest.  He  had  reigned 
since  October  20,  1816,  and,  not  merely  in  his  own 
dominion  but  throughout  all  Germany,  he  enjoyed  a 
special  consideration  due  not  less  to  his  great  age 
and  his  quality  as  dean  of  European  sovereigns  than 
to  his  character  and  lofty  wisdom.  The  liberal  policy 
he  had  adopted  throughout  his  reign  rendered  him 
justly  popular. 

Many  family  ties  existed  between  the  court  of 
Russia  and  that  of  Stuttgart.  The  Emperor  Paul, 
father  of  the  Emperors  Alexander  I.  and  Nicholas, 
married  a  princess  of  Wiirtemberg,  that  charming 
woman  who,  when  she  came  to  France  with  her  hus- 
band, then  hereditary  Grand  Duke,  under  the  title  of 
Countess  du  Nord,  had  so  great  a  success  at  the 
CO  art  of  Louis  XVI.  and  Marie  Antoinette. 

The  first  wife  of  William  of  Wiirtemberg  was  a 
widow  of  the  Emperor  Paul  ;  the  Prince  Royal  of 
Wiirtemberg  married  a  daughter  of  the  Emperor 
Nicholas  ;   the  Grand  Duchess  Hélène,  daughter  of 

214 


THE  STUTTGART  INTERVIEW  215 

Paul  of  Wiirtemberg,  the  King's  brother,  was  the 
widow  of  the  Grand  Duke  Michael,  son  of  the  Em- 
peror Paul.  Hence  Alexander  found  himself  at 
home  in  Stuttgart,  where  he  exercised  a  legitimate 
influence,  and  where  he  was  respected,  loved,  and 
honored. 

Stuttgart,  with  its  one  hundred  and  forty  thousand 
inhabitants,  its  palaces  and  modern  buildings,  its 
picturesque  situation,  its  verdant  ring  of  wooded 
hills  and  vine-clad  slopes,  is  one  of  the  prettiest  cities 
in  Germany.  It  was  a  well-selected  environment  for 
the  interview  of  the  two  Emperors. 

Thursday^  September  24,  1857.  The  Czar  arrives 
at  Stuttgart  without  the  Empress,  and  installs  him- 
self at  the  villa  of  his  brother-in-law,  the  Prince  Royal, 
a  charming  residence  some  two  miles  from  the  city. 

Friday^  September  25.  At  the  station  of  Bruchsal, 
Napoleon  III.  finds  the  Marquis  de  Ferrière,  minister 
of  France,  with  all  the  personnel  of  the  legation,  and 
General  Baur,  who  had  been  sent  to  meet  him  by  the 
King.  At  half-past  four  he  arrives  at  Stuttgart.  The 
King  and  the  princes  of  the  royal  familj^  receive  him 
at  the  station  and  conduct  him  to  the  palace,  where 
the  Emperor  Alexander  II.  comes  to  pay  him  a  call. 

Napoleon  III.  dines  with  the  King  and  Queen,  and 
then  goes  to  the  villa  of  the  Prince  Royal  in  company 
with  Their  Majesties  and  the  princes  and  princesses, 
to  spend  the  remainder  of  the  evening.  The  great 
avenue  conducting  thither  is  brilliantlj^  illuminated. 
All  those  holding  positions  at  court,  all  the  minis- 


216        THE  COUBT  OF  THE  SECOND   EMPIIiE 

ters,  and  the  diplomatic  corps  are  assembled.  The 
presentations  are  made  for  France  by  the  ]Marquis 
and  Marquise  de  Ferrière;  for  Russia  by  its  minister 
at  Stuttgart,  Count  de  Beckendorf.  The  Czar  has 
brought  with  him  his  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
Prince  Gortchakoff;  the  minister  of  his  household, 
Count  Adlerberg  I.  ;  his  aide-de-camp,  General  Count 
Adlerberg  II.  ;  his  ambassador  at  Paris,  General  Count 
Kisseleff;  his  equerry,  Count  Tolstoï.  With  Napo- 
leon III.  are  his  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  Count 
Walewski;  his  new  ambassador  at  St.  Petersburg, 
Count  de  Rayneval;  two  of  his  aides-de-camp,  Gen- 
eral Count  de  Failly  and  General  Fleury;  and  one 
of  his  orderly  officers.  Prince  Joachim  Murat.  The 
most  cordial  and  animated  conversation  goes  on 
during  the  evening.  At  eleven  o'clock  the  Emperor 
of  the  French  returns  to  the  palace  of  Stuttgart  with 
Their  Majesties  of  Wiirtemberg,  while  the  Emperor 
of  Russia  remains  at  the  villa  of  his  brother-in-law, 
the  Prince  Royal. 

Saturday,  September  26.  During  the  morning 
Napoleon  III.  goes  to  return  the  Czar's  call  at  the 
villa  of  the  Prince  Royal.  At  eleven  o'clock  he  is 
joined  there  by  the  King  of  Wiirtemberg,  who  takes 
him  to  see  the  place  where  he  keeps  his  breeding  stud 
of  three  hundred  blooded  horses.  The  two  dine 
together  afterwards  in  a  fine  residence  which  the 
Wiirtemberg  monarch  had  erected  near  this  estab- 
lishment, justly  celebrated  in  Germany;  and,  after 
an  excursion  in  the  picturesque  valley  of  the  Necker, 


ALEXANDER  11 
Emperor  of   Russia 


THE  STUTTGART  INTERVIEW  217 

they  return  to  the  palace  of  Stuttgart.  The  Emperor 
of  the  French  occupies  himself  with  his  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  and  then  calls  upon  the  Queen  of 
Wiirtemberg,  the  Queen  of  Holland,  and  the  Grand 
Duchess  Hélène.  At  half-past  four,  without  other 
escort  than  General  Baur,  the  king's  aide-de-camp, 
he  walks  in  the  city  like  a  private  individual,  but  is 
the  object  of  respectful  curiosity.  At  six  he  dines 
with  the  royal  family  in  the  castle  of  Walhelma,  a 
beautiful  construction  in  the  Moorish  style,  on  the 
model  of  the  Alhambra,  situated  in  the  valley  of  the 
Necker,  beside  Stuttgart,  in  the  midst  of  delightful 
gardens.  Here  Napoleon  III.  hears  some  good  news  ; 
the  Empress  of  Russia  has  just  arrived  at  Stuttgart. 
As  the  Empress  Eugénie  had  not  come  there,  Alex- 
ander II.  had  at  first  decided  that  the  Czarina  would 
not  come  either,  and  she  had  remained  in  the  neigli- 
borhood.  But  the  Czar  has  been  so  w^ell^  satisfied 
with  his  first  relations  with  Napoleon  III.  that  he  has 
changed  his  mind  and  sent  word  to  the  Empress  to 
come  immediately  to  Stuttgart.  She  arrives  there  in 
the  evening  of  the  26th  with  Queen  Amélie  of  Greece, 
daughter  of  the  Grand  Duke  Paul  Frederic  Auguste 
of  Oldenburg,  and  wife  of  King  Otho.  The  Em- 
press of  Russia,  Marie  Alexandrovna,  born  in  1824, 
was  the  daughter  of  Louis  II.,  Grand  Duke  of  Hesse. 
She  had  married  the  Grand  Duke  Alexander,  after- 
wards emperor  under  the  title  of  Alexander  II.,  in 
1841. 

On  learning  that  the  Czarina  had  arrived  at  Stutt- 


218        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

gart,  the  Emperor  of  the  French  immediately  left  the 
castle  of  Walhelma  and  hastened  to  the  villa  of  the 
Prince  Royal  to  pay  his  respects.  He  afterwards  re- 
turned to  Walhelma,  where  he  finished  the  evening 
with  Their  Majesties  of  Wiirtemberg. 

Two  emperors,  an  empress,  a  king  and  three  queens 
— not  counting  imperial  or  royal  highnesses  —  were 
then  assembled  at  Stuttgart.  Napoleon  III.  was  at 
his  ease  amidst  this  brilliant  pleiad.  A  witness  of 
the  interview,  General  Fleury,  describes  him  as  being 
as  calm  as  usual,  making  gallant  headway  against  the 
seductions  deployed  against  him,  not  insensible  to  the 
attentions  by  which  he  is  overwhelmed,  but  neverthe- 
less not  intoxicated  by  them.  "It  was  the  peculiarity 
of  the  Emperor,"  adds  the  general,  "  never  to  seem 
surprised  by  his  amazing  fortune.  He  seemed  like 
a  sovereign  returned  from  exile  and  continuing  the 
reign  he  had  begun." 

Sunday^  September  27.  This  was  the  anniversary 
of  the  King's  birth.  After  assisting  at  Mass  in  the 
Catholic  church,  amidst  a  crowd  which  saluted  him 
with  acclamations,  Napoleon  III.  went  to  offer  his 
congratulations  and  good  Avishes  to  King  William. 
The  King  afterwards  conducted  the  two  Emperors, 
the  Empress  of  Russia,  the  Queens  of  Wiirtemberg, 
Holland,  and  Greece,  the  princes  and  princesses,  to 
Cannstadt  to  witness  the  people's  feast,  an  agri- 
cultural ceremony  instituted  by  himself  at  the  be- 
ginning of  his  reign,  and  yearly  celebrated  on  his 
birthday.     The  ladies  were  in  full  dress,  the  men  in 


THE  STUTTGART  INTERVIEW  219 

uniform.  Surrounded  by  his  family,  his  court,  and 
the  diplomatic  body,  the  venerable  sovereign,  the 
Nestor  of  Europe,  the  crowned  patriarch,  distributed, 
in  presence  of  his  guests,  the  agricultural  prizes  to 
the  peasants  gathered  there  from  all  the  provinces  of 
the  kingdom. 

At  five  o'clock  there  was  a  grand  dinner  in  the 
palace  of  Stuttgart,  and  afterwards  a  gala  representa- 
tion at  the  royal  theatre.  When  the  King,  with  the 
emperors,  queens,  princes,  and  princesses,  made  his 
entry  into  the  grand  box  in  front  of  the  stage, 
the  theatre  rang  with  applause.  The  hall  glittered 
with  lights  and  jewels.  It  was  a  magnificent 
sight. 

Monday,  September  28.  Tlie  Czar  breakfasts  with 
the  Emperor  Napoleon  at  the  villa  of  the  Prince 
Royal.  The  Prince,  to  give  them  an  opportunity  of 
speaking  freely,  has  invited  them  alone,  excluding 
even  his  father.  The  day  is  an  anniversary.  It  is 
forty  years  to  a  day  since  Napoleon  I.  and  Alexan- 
der I.  met  each  other  at  Erfurt. 

After  breakfast,  the  Prince  Royal  leaves  his  two 
august  guests  alone  with  each  other  in  his  study. 
According  to  the  confidences  imparted  by  the  Prince 
Royal  to  M.  Gustave  Rothan,  secretary  of  the  lega- 
tion of  France  at  Stuttgart  at  the  time  of  the  inter- 
view, this  is  what  passed  between  the  two  sovereigns 
on  September  28, 1857. 

The  interview  lasted  more  than  an  hour.  The  ice 
was  broken  at  the  last  minute.     "After  cool  begin- 


220        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

nings,"  writes  M.  Rothan  in  the  Revue  des  Deux 
3Iondes  of  December  31,  1888,  "tliey  separated  with 
brows  unruffled,  almost  radiant,  reasons  of  state  hav- 
ing prevailed  over  prejudices.  The  Emperors  had 
ratified  the  protocol  agreed  on  by  their  ministers. 
They  had  promised  not  to  undertake  anything  with- 
out mutual  consultation,  and  to  support  each  other 
loyally  by  the  action  of  their  diplomacy  whether  in 
the  East,  if  complications  should  arise  there,  or  in 
Italy,  if  a  quarrel  were  to  break  out  between  France 
and  Austria.  In  the  latter  eventuality,  Russia  as- 
sured us,  in  the  first  place,  her  sympathetic  neu- 
tralit}^  and,  if  fighting  occurred,  she  promised, 
without  actually  pledging  herself,  the  concentration 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men  on  the  fron- 
tiers of  Galicia  ;  they  had  gone  so  far  as  to  foresee  an 
eventual  alliance." 

Alexander  II.  left  Stuttgart  that  day.  Napoleon 
III.  did  not  go  until  the  next  one.  In  parting,  the 
two  Emperors  seemed  well  satisfied  with  each  other, 
and  it  was  said  among  their  followers  that  the  inter- 
view had  been  a  success. 

Tuesday^  September  29.  Napoleon  III.  quitted 
Stuttgart  at  half-past  eight  in  the  morning,  after 
warmly  thanking  the  King.  Between  two  lines 
formed  respectively  by  the  cavalry  of  the  royal 
guard  and  a  troop  of  the  line,  he  went  to  the  rail- 
way station,  hung  as  before  by  the  French  and  Wiir- 
temberg  flags.  As  he  was  about  to  enter  the  train, 
he  was  saluted  by  the  princes  and  principal  dignita- 


TEE  STUTTGART  INTERVIEW  221 

ries  of  the  court.  The  Prince  Royal  wore  the  broad 
ribbon  of  the  Legion  of  Honor  which  the  Emperor 
had  sent  him.  One  might  have  thought  himself  back 
at  the  Tilsit  interview  and  the  days  of  the  Confed- 
eration of  the  Rhine. 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

THE  RESULTS   OF  THE  INTERVIEW 

^HE  Stuttgart  interview  had  caused  the  Austrian 
government  the  keenest  and  most  justifiable 
anxiety.  The  Emperor  Francis  Joseph  sought  to 
reassure  himself  by  likewise  obtaining  an  interview 
with  the  Emperor  Alexander  II.  The  Czar  had  left 
Stuttgart  September  28,  1857.  October  1  he  had  an 
interview  with  the  Austrian  monarch  at  Weimar. 
He  was  accompanied  by  his  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  Prince  Gortchakoff,  but  Francis  Joseph  had 
taken  care  not  to  bring  his  own  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  Count  de  Buol,  whose  attitude  during  the 
Crimean  War  and  at  the  Congress  of  Paris  had 
deeply  offended  the  Russian  government. 

Francis  Joseph  arrived  at  Weimar  October  1. 
Alexander  II.,  wearing  the  uniform  of  the  Austrian 
hussars,  awaited  him  at  the  head  of  the  staircase  of 
the  grand-ducal  castle.  The  two  sovereigns  em- 
braced. They  had  a  long  conversation  without 
witnesses,  and  in  the  evening  v/ere  present  at  a 
representation  of  Wagner's  Tannliauser^  directed  by 
Liszt.     The  next  mornino-  at  seven  o'clock  the  Em- 


THE  RESULTS   OF  THE  INTERVIEW  223 

peror  of   Austria   left   Weimar   for   Dresden.     The 
Czar  departed  an  hour  later. 

That  same  day  the  Vicomte  des  Méloizes,  minister 
of  France  at  Weimar,  wrote  to  Count  Walewski: 
"  Austria  desired  the  interview,  Russia  accepted  it  ; 
and  the  Grand  Duke  facilitated  it  by  placing  his  pal- 
ace at  the  disposal  of  the  two  Emperors.  As  to  the 
meeting  itself,  although  a  certain  intimacy  prevailed, 
I  am  assured,  between  the  sovereigns  in  their  two  or 
three  conversations,  they  do  not  seem,  if  one  may 
judge  from  their  looks,  to  have  produced  a  very  real 
reconciliation.  During  all  the  time  that  I  was  able  to 
observe  them  at  the  palace,  there  was  no  communica- 
tion whatever  between  them,  and  the  way  in  which 
they  quitted  Weimar,  at  an  hour's  interval,  although 
they  were  taking  the  same  road,  seems  to  indicate 
that  their  interview  did  not  create  a  desire  to  remain 
longer  together.  The  grand  marshal  tells  me  that 
when  the  two  sovereigns  met  for  the  first  time,  the 
Emperor  Alexander  wore  an  expression  of  sorrowful 
gravity  which  was  remarked  by  every  one.  ...  It 
was  noticed  that  at  dinner  and  at  the  theatre  the 
countenance  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  marked  by  a 
certain  air  of  embarrassment,  which  is  perhaps  ha- 
bitual, never  lost  its  gravity.  The  Emperor  Alexan- 
der, on  the  contrary,  ap^Deared  very  gay.  The  two 
sovereigns  embraced  each  other  twice  in  taking  leave. 
These  adieux,  I  am  told,  were  very  effusive.  This 
time,  as  throughout  the  whole  daj'-,  the  advances 
came  from  the  Austrian  Emf)eror." 


224        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

In  fine,  the  interview  of  Weimar,  far  from  attenu- 
ating the  impression  produced  by  that  of  Stuttgart, 
had  no  result  but  that  of  bringing  its  importance 
into  full  relief.  Curious  details  on  this  subject  are 
found  in  a  despatch  which  the  Vicomte  de  Serre, 
minister  of  France  at  Carlsruhe,  addressed  to  Count 
Walewski  October  4,  1857.  The  Grand  Duchess 
Hélène  of  Russia,  who  had  just  arrived  at  Baden, 
had  a  long  conversation  with  the  French  minister. 
"  Madame  the  Grand  Duchess,"  wrote  the  Vicomte 
de  Serre,  "has  assured  me  that  she  considers  the 
interview  of  Stuttgart  a  most  fortunate  event  for 
both  empires,  and  especially  for  Russia.  It  pleased 
her  to  behold  in  it  the  point  of  departure  of  a  close 
alliance  whose  consolidation  and  progress  she  desires 
all  the  more  ardently  since  she  has  always  regarded 
it,  even  under  the  reign  of  the  late  Emperor  Nicholas, 
as  imperiously  demanded  by  the  interests  of  both 
nations.  If  she  may  be  believed,  the  time  is  past  for 
suspecting  France,  wrongly  considered  as  the  focus  of 
revolutions  merely  because  she  is  and  ought  to  be  the 
centre  of  civilization.  The  prejudices  which  formerly 
alienated  from  France  the  instinctive  sympathies  of 
Russia  became  extinct  with  the  late  Emperor,  or,  at 
most,  exist  only  in  the  thin-sown  ranks  of  sundry 
faultfinders  of  the  old  aristocracy,  always  ready  to 
take  sides  against  the  governmental  policy,  be  it 
what  it  may.  Setting  aside  this  imperceptible  and 
powerless  minority,  Russia  would  be  unanimous  in 
desiring  the  closest  union  with  France  as  the  sole 


THE  RESULTS   OF  THE  INTERVIEW         225 

means  of  opening  to  her  the  paths  of  civilization  and 
progress.  She  would  comprehend  at  present  that  in 
applying  her  forces  to  defend  the  narrow  principles 
of  legitimacy  and  public  order,  she  had,  in  fact, 
merely  served  the  interests  of  Germany  and  Austria. 
The  last  war,  and  still  more  the  very  different  atti- 
tude of  the  several  powers  since  the  restoration  of 
peace,  had  shown  her  at  the  same  time  on  which  side 
lay  real  strength  united  to  loyalty,  where  she  ought 
to  place  her  friendship  and  where  seek  her  alliances. 
Tired  of  being  exploited  for  the  benefit  of  central 
Europe  and  worn-out  theories  of  government,  she 
would  hereafter  base  her  alliances,  not  on  the  affini- 
ties of  abstract  principles,  but,  like  England,  on  the 
practical  agreement  of  positive  interests." 

Was  not  the  Grand  Duchess  Hélène  here  predict- 
ing the  alliance  which  the  Emperor  Nicholas  II.  and 
M.  Félix  Faure  recently  proclaimed  on  board  the 
Pothuau  ? 

The  Grand  Duchess  assured  the  Vicomte  de  Serre 
that  the  Emperor,  her  nephew,  had  received  impres- 
sions at  the  Stuttgart  interview  which  linked  him 
more  closely  than  ever  to  the  Emperor  of  the  French 
and  to  France.  Her  Imperial  Highness  regretted 
only  that  the  reunion  of  the  two  sovereigns  had 
been  of  such  short  duration,  for,  she  added,  the  more 
the  Emperors  saw  of  each  other,  the  better  they 
seemed  to  understand  and  mutually  appreciate  each 
other's  lofty  qualities.  Even  the  Empress  of  Russia, 
who  did  not  at  first  favor  the  interview  at  Stuttgart, 


226        TUE  COURT   OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

as  the  Grand  Duchess  was  not  careful  to  conceal, 
had  been  obliged  by  the  express  invitation  of  the 
Czar  to  go  there  ;  but,  once  in  presence  of  Napoleon 
III.,  she  had  been  unable  to  resist  the  attraction  felt 
by  all  under  an  irresistible  influence. 

The  Vicomte  de  Serre  concluded  his  despatch  as 
follows:  "As  to  the  interview  at  Weimar,  Her 
Imperial  Highness  merely  alluded  to  it  in  a  rather 
scornful  way  as  an  event  without  the  slightest  polit- 
ical importance.  Not  very  favorable  to  Austria  in 
general,  she  seemed  to  me  almost  to  regret  that  the 
Emperor  Alexander  should  have  lent  himself  to  a 
superficial  reconciliation  with  the  Emperor  Francis 
Joseph.  For  that  matter,  in  this  particular  Madame 
the  Grand  Duchess  simply  reproduced  the  expres- 
sions used  by  all  Russians  without  exception.  Those 
most  conversant  with  the  policy  of  their  government 
are  never  weary  of  saying  that  the  interview  of 
Weimar,  several  times  solicited  by  the  Emperor  of 
Austria,  had  only  been  conceded  by  the  Czar  because 
he  was  tired  of  refusing.  ...  M.  de  Fonta,  minister 
of  Russia  at  Frankfort,  tells  me  that  Prince  Gortcha- 
koff  has  authorized  and  even  asked  him  to  declare 
that  though  Russia  desires  to  live  in  peace  with  her 
neighbors,  and  consequently  with  Austria,  she  has 
yet  no  intention  of  re-establishing  with  that  power 
the  intimate  relations  which  have  been  destroyed 
forever." 

And  now  let  us  see  how  the  Stuttgart  interview 
was  regarded  at  St.  Petersburg.     In  the  absence  of 


THE  RESULTS   OF  THE  IXTERVIEW  '2'2!1 

Count  de  Morny,  M.  Baudin,  charge  d'affaires  of 
France,  wrote  to  Count  Walewski,  October  16, 
1857:  — 

"  Prince  Gortchakoff  said  to  me  :  '  Nothing-  could 
be  more  satisfactory  than  the  impression  which  my 
sovereign  and  mj^self  brought  back  from  Stuttgart 
and  from  our  conversations  with  the  Emperor  Napo- 
leon and  Count  Walewski.  It  is  a  great  thing,  this 
reconciliation  between  our  two  emperors,  this  per- 
fect conformity  of  views  which  has  been  established 
between  them  and  their  governments  on  all  the 
questions  they  attempted  to  examine,  this  resolu- 
tion which  they  have  taken  mutually  to  agree  on  all 
that  may  hereafter  arise,  small  and  great.  It  is 
chiefly  in  the  future  that  the  interview  of  Stuttgart 
will  produce  its  fruits.'  " 

Prince  Gortchakoff  repeated  to  the  chargé  cV affaires 
of  France  that  the  Emperor  Alexander  was  wholly 
satisfied  with  the  personal  relations  into  which  he  had 
just  entered  with  the  Emperor  Napoleon  ;  said  that 
the  Empress  of  Russia  had  not  appreciated  less  her 
acquaintance  with  His  Imperial  Majesty,  and  added 
that  she  had  expressed  great  regret  at  not  having 
been  able  to  meet  at  Stuttgart  the  Empress  of  the 
French.  As  to  Prince  Gortchakoff  himself,  he 
showed  that  he  was  personally  flattered  and  grateful 
for  the  welcome  he  had  received  from  Napoleon  III., 
and  he  praised  exceedingly  —  these  are  his  own 
words  —  "that  elevation  of  character,  that  groat 
political  sense,  those  views  at  once  wide  and  prac- 


228        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

tical,  that  perfect  candor  and  clearness,"  which  he 
had  been  privileged  to  know- 

M.  Baudin  terminated  his  despatch  as  follows  : 
"  Such  is  the  impression  which  the  Russian  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs  seems  to  have  brought  iDack  with 
him  from  Stuttgart.  That  of  the  Russian  public, 
which  is  beginning  to  return  to  St.  Petersbui'g,  nat- 
urally cannot  be  so  well  founded.  It  is  generally 
good.  At  the  same  time,  society  in  this  country, 
which  seldom  goes  very  deeply  into  things,  feels  its 
self-love  somewhat  wounded  by  the  relatively  second- 
ary part  which  the  Emperor  of  Russia  played  at  Stutt- 
gart, and  by  the  deference  he  showed  towards  the 
Emperor  of  the  French,  '  that  sovereign  of  yesterday,' 
as  certain  people  say  here,  in  calling  on  him  first,  and 
by  the  indifference  with  which  his  journey  was  re- 
ceived by  the  German  press  and  people,  the  latter 
thronging  about  Napoleon  III.  as  he  passed,  and  the 
former  making  a  thousand  commentaries  with  which 
they  did  not  honor  the  Emperor  Alexander.  They 
are  at  the  same  time  pleased  to  see  that  Russia  has 
such  a  friend  and  displeased  at  the  great  place  he 
has  taken  and  which  the  interview  of  Stuttgart  has 
rendered  so  manifest.  They  know  what  to  think  of 
the  military  power  of  imperial  France,  and  the  Rus- 
sian travellers  who  visit  Paris  in  such  great  numbers 
daily  make  known  its  splendor  and  its  internal  pros- 
perity. They  are  thoroughly  aware  of  its  preponder- 
ance in  external  politics,  but  they  do  not  quite  like 
to   own   up   to   it.      The    Stuttgart    intervicAV   has 


THE  RESULTS   OF  THE  INTERVIEW  229 

brought  it  into  undeniable  prominence,  and  that 
explains  the  mixed  character  of  the  sentiment  awa- 
kened here  in  certain  minds  by  the  circumstances  of 
this  interview,  and  which  they  try  at  least  to  conceal 
from  me  under  an  appearance  of  admiration  and 
deference  for  the  Emperor  of  the  French." 

On  the  whole.  Napoleon  III.  had  just  obtained  a 
great  success.  He  had  not  signed  a  treaty  of  alli- 
ance offensive  and  defensive  at  Stuttgart,  but  he 
brought  back  a  protocol  of  general  agreement  and 
the  assurance  of  a  sympathetic  neutrality  in  case  of 
war  against  Austria.  That  sufificed  him.  As  M. 
Rothan  has  remarked,  he  did  not  like  to  bind  him- 
self ;  he  preferred  to  keep  an  open  door  and  leave 
things  to  the  fatal  arrangement  of  circumstances. 

M.  Benedetti  wrote  to  M.  Thouvenel,  October  15, 
1857:  "The  interview  of  Stuttgart  has  fulfilled  all 
its  promises.  After  having  talked  of  everj-thing,  the 
two  Emperors  and  their  ministers  separated  with 
promises  of  mutual  esteem  and  confidence  in  the  full 
and  complete  acceptation  of  those  terms.  It  was  a 
question  of  the  Principalities,  you  understand.  At 
bottom,  Russia  does  not  desire  the  reunion,  and  we 
are  going  to  move  very  gently  in  the  direction  of  the 
administrative  reunion  solely  ;  one  fact  certain  is  the 
personal  success  of  our  Emperor  in  Germany.  You 
know  that  the  Empress  of  Russia  was  not  at  all 
inclined  to  go  to  Stuttgart,  and  that  she  feigned 
indisposition.  But  the  Emperor  Alexander  was  so 
charmed  with  his  first  conversation  with  the  Emperor 


230        THE   COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

Napoleon  that  lie  cut  short  these  hesitations  by  sum- 
moning the  Empress  immediately  to  Stuttgart,  and 
they  say  that  Her  ^Majesty  now  shares  her  husband's 
sentiments  towards  our  sovereign.  Nor  has  he  met 
with  less  success  among  the  people.  His  journey 
was  like  an  ovation.  Coming  after  the  Osborne 
interview,  all  this  cre3,tes  an  incomparable  situation 
for  us." 

Had  Napoleon  HI.  remained  faithful  to  the  pact  of 
Stuttgart  he  would  always  have  retained  this  situa- 
tion. So  long  as  he  was  the  friend  of  Alexander  II., 
he  had  nothing  to  fear  from  the  English  or  the  Ger- 
mans. It  was  by  Russia's  favor,  and  in  spite  of  Eng- 
land, that  he  could  give  back  to  France  her  natural 
frontiers  on  the  southeast,  and  protect  the  Christians 
of  Syria.  With  the  support  of  the  cabinet  of  St. 
Petersburg  everything  succeeded  with  him  ;  without 
it,  the  earth  failed  under  his  feet.  What  would  it 
have  cost  him  to  avert  all  his  misfortunes  ?  Simply, 
non-intervention  in  the  affairs  of  Poland,  and  readi- 
ness to  maintain  against  all  assaults  the  true  alliance, 
the  only  one  which  could  have  secured  glory  and 
safety  to  imperial  France. 


CHAPTER  XXVm 

THE   BEGINNING   OF    1858 

T^^URIXG  the  first  years  of  the  Second  Empire. 
-^'^  the  opera  of  Le  Prophète^  that  work  whose 
striking  situations,  imagined  by  Scribe,  had  inspired 
Meyerbeer  with  appropriate  music,  was  often  played. 
In  the  fourth  act,  John  of  Leyden  appears  under  a 
canopy  in  the  Cathedral  of  Munster,  amidst  shouts, 
the  blare  of  trumpets,  and  clouds  of  incense,  and  at 
that  very  moment  three  Anabaptists,  dressed  in  black, 
menace  him  with  their  poniards.  This  scene  made 
the  Emperor  thoughtful.  Like  the  Prophet,  amidst 
his  triumphs  he  had  incessant  conspiracies  to  dread. 
His  Anabaptists  were  the  Italian  bravos  who  had 
sworn  his  death. 

The  victor  of  December  2d  had  disarmed  French 
hatreds.  Those  of  his  subjects  who  blamed  his  pol- 
icv  the  most  had  abandoned  the  idea  of  killing  him. 
In  spite  of  the  irritating  souvenirs  of  the  coup  d'Etat^ 
the  unjust  deportations,  the  draconian  and  illegal 
severities  of  the  mixed  commissions,  the  workmen 
had  forgiven  Xapoleon  III.,  knowing  that  he  con- 
cerned himself  with  their  welfare,   and  when   they 

231 


232      TUE  cou  HT  of  the  second  empire 

saw  him  going  unescorted  into  the  most  populous 
quarters  of  Paris,  they  praised  his  courage.  But  the 
foreign  assassins,  the  adepts  of  Mazzini,  remained 
implacable.  These,  like  the  Old  Man  of  the  Moun- 
tain, had  a  band  of  murderers  in  their  pay  whose 
fixed  idea  it  was  to  assassinate  the  Emperor.  London 
was  the  headquarters  where  they  organized  plots  in- 
tended to  break  out  in  France,  The  police  of  Paris 
were  in  perpetual  alarm.  In  1857,  three  emissaries 
from  London  had  been  arrested  for  plotting  against 
the  Emperor's  life,  and  tried  in  August  by  the  Seine 
Court  of  Assizes.  They  were  Italians,  Tibaldi,  Bar- 
toloni,  and  Grilli,  the  first  of  whom  was  sentenced 
to  transportation,  and  the  others  to  ten  years'  im- 
prisonment. The  trial  proved  that  these  three  indi- 
viduals had  been  hired  by  the  Mazzinian  sect,  which 
had  erected  murder  into  a  system.  At  the  beginning 
of  1858  those  immediately  surrounding  the  sovereign 
knew  that  this  sect  was  more  active  than  ever,  and 
that  a  catastrophe  was  probably  impending.  But 
Napoleon  III.,  being  a  fatalist,  and  inaccessible  to 
fear,  refused  to  make  any  change  in  his  usual  habits, 
and  would  not  take  an}'-  kind  of  precautions  against 
the  murderers,  of  whose  actions  he  was  notified. 
When  he  went  out  of  the  Tuileries  he  did  not  com- 
municate to  the  secret  police  detailed  to  protect  his 
life  the  route  he  intended  to  follow.  He  said  one 
day,  as  Marshal  Magnan  was  expostulating  with  him 
on  his  temerit}'-:  "I  object  to  remonstrances.  I  do 
not  intend  to  put  m^'self  in  leading-strings,  but  to 


THE  BEGINNING  OF  1858  233 

remain  free  to  act  as  I  please.  Do  not  forget  what  I 
say,  Marshal." 

The  public  was  not  aware  of  the  ceaseless  anxieties 
which  disturbed  the  Emperor's  friends.  The  year 
1858  had  opened  very  well.  The  season  at  Paris 
promised  to  be  very  brilliant.  At  home,  the  Empire 
encountered  no  serious  opposition.  Abroad,  it  main- 
tained the  most  harmonious  relations  with  all  the 
powers.  The  interview  of  Stuttgart  had  been  a  tri- 
umph for  Napoleon  III.,  acclaimed  in  Germany  no 
less  than  in  France.  The  imperial  institutions  seemed 
more  solid  than  ever.  The  edifice,  soon  to  be  men- 
aced by  a  thunderbolt,  seemed  immovable  and  inde- 
structible. 

I  was  at  Brussels  early  in  1858.  Count  Walewski 
had  sent  me  there  with  the  ratification  of  a  postal 
treaty  concluded  between  France  and  Belgium.  I 
was  staying  at  the  house  of  my  cousin,  General  Plo- 
tinckz,  commanding  superior  of  the  civic  guard,  and 
was  expecting  to  remain  some  daj^s  longer  with  him, 
when  the  minister  of  France,  M.  Adolphe  Barrot,  a 
diplomat  of  great  merit,  and  brother  of  the  famous 
orator,  sent  me  word  to  come  immediately  to  the 
legation.  On  my  arrival  he  told  me  that  he  would 
entrust  me  with  a  very  important  despatch,  and  that 
I  Avas  to  start  that  evening  for  Paris  by  the  seven 
o'clock  train.  He  added  that  when  I  arrived,  during 
the  night,  I  must  go  directly  to  the  Ministry  of  For- 
eign Affairs  and  have  the  chief  of  the  cabinet  awa- 
kened.     This  was  M.  Frederic  de  Billing,  in  whose 


234        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND   EMPIRE 

own  hands  I  must  place  the  despatch  confided  to  me, 
and  of  which  I  did  not  know  the  contents.  I  punctu- 
ally executed  my  orders.  M.  de  Billing  was  sleeping 
at  the  Ministr}'-,  in  the  room  which,  forty  years  later, 
now  serves  me  as  an  office.  I  excused  myself  for 
awaking  him  by  alleging  the  instructions  I  had  re- 
ceived in  Belgium.  He  thanked  me,  turned  his  head 
on  his  pillow,  and  went  to  sleep  again. 

I  have  since  learned  the  contents  of  the  despatch, 
which  was  not  opened  until  the  next  morning.  It 
announced  the  existence  of  a  plot  against  the  Em- 
peror's life.  An  Italian  named  Fieri  had  arrived 
from  England  at  Brussels,  January  7,  where  he 
bought  the  shell  of  a  fulminating  bomb.  A  clock- 
maker  who  got  wind  of  the  sale  went  to  the  office  of 
the  French  legation,  where  he  urgently  requested  an 
interview  with  the  minister  himself.  On  being  re- 
ceived by  M.  Adolphe  Barrot,  he  said  to  him  :  "  I  am 
not  one  of  the  Emperor's  partisans  ;  all  my  sympa- 
thies are  with  the  Orleans  princes,  but  I  wish  to  pre- 
vent a  crime."  He  then  described  the  suspected 
man  and  gave  most  precise  details  concerning  his 
movements  in  Brussels.  M.  Adolphe  Barrot  hastily 
wrote  a  despatch  —  the  one  I  conveyed  to  Paris  — 
containing  the  declarations  of  the  clockmaker.  We 
shall  see  later  on  that,  but  for  M.  Barrot's  vigilance, 
both  the  Emperor  and  Empress  would  probably  have 
succumbed. 

The  man  thus  denounced  to  the  Paris  police  was 
an  Italian  named  Fieri,  a  native  of  Lucca,  and  fifty 


THE  BEGINNING    OF  1858  235 

years  of  age.  Condemned  for  theft  in  Tuscany,  he 
had  presented  himself  in  France  as  a  political  refugee 
in  1833.  Ten  years  later  he  enlisted  in  the  foreign 
legion.  Afterwards  he  served  in  Tuscany,  where  he 
became  a  major,  but  was  dismissed  in  1849.  On  re- 
turning to  France  he  was  recognized  as  a  dangerous 
man  and  expelled  in  1852,  in  spite  of  his  protestations 
of  humble  respect  for  the  person  of  Napoleon  III. 
There  was  a  peace  officer  named  M.  Hébert  in  Paris 
in  1858  who  remembered  Fieri  very  well.  The  po- 
lice made  very  energetic  efforts  to  lay  hands  on  the 
latter,  but  up  to  January  14  had  completely  failed. 
They  were  aware  of  his  plan,  but  they  did  not  know 
that  he  merely  took  a  secondary  part  in  the  con- 
spiracy of  which  Orsini  was  the  organizer  and  leader. 
A  native  of  the  Roman  States  and  aged  thirty- 
nine  years,  Felix  Orsini  had  associated  himself  from 
early  youth  with  the  enterprises  of  the  most  heated 
demagogues.  In  1845  the  supreme  tribunal  of  Rome 
had  condemned  him  to  the  galleys  for  life  for  con- 
spiring against  the  pontifical  government.  The  fol- 
lowing year,  thanks  to  the  amnesty  accorded  by 
Pius  IX.,  he  recovered  his  liberty,  but  without  evin- 
cing any  signs  of  repentance.  Two  years  afterwards 
he  became  a  member  of  the  Roman  Convention,  and 
then  extraordinary  commissioner  to  Ancona  and 
Ascoli.  There  he  was  guilty  of  many  abuses  of 
power  and  of  great  exactions,  yet  without  enriching 
himself  personally.  When  the  temporal  power  of 
the  Pope  was  re-established  he  wandered  into  Eng- 


236        THE  COURT  OF  TUE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

land,  Switzerland,  Piedmont,  and  Lorabardy,  travel- 
ling with  false  passports,  now  calling  himself  Celsi 
and  again  Herwag.  Under  the  latter  name  he  was 
accused  in  1855  of  having  arranged  a  plot  against  the 
life  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria.  Incarcerated  in  the 
citadel  of  Mantua,  through  the  complicity  of  a  woman 
he  succeeded  in  making  his  escape  and  took  refuge  in 
London,  where  he  gave  public  readings  which  gained 
him  a  livelihood. 

After  having  made  one  of  Mazzini's  adepts  and 
instruments,  Orsini  resolved  to  form  a  band  of  his 
own  and  become  a  chief  conspirator.  He  met  Fieri 
in  Birmingham  in  1857,  and  planned  with  him  an 
attempt  on  the  life  of  the  Emperor.  The  two  put 
themselves  in  communication  with  a  French  political 
refugee  named  Simon  Bernard,  a  regular  customer  of 
the  Swiss  café  in  Bow  Street,  London,  which  was  the 
usual  rendezvous  of  the  most  dangerous  of  the  emi- 
grants. Together  with  Fieri  and  Bernard,  Orsini 
employed  himself  in  the  fabrication  of  bombs,  and  in 
order  to  the  perpetration  of  the  crime  added  to  his 
circle  two  obscure  acolytes,  a  Neapolitan  named 
Gomez,  aged  twenty-nine,  —  who  had  served  in  the 
foreign  legion  in  1853  and  1855  and  had  been  con- 
demned for  abuse  of  confidence  at  Marseilles,  whom 
Orsini  attached  to  himself  as  a  domestic, — and  a  5'oung 
man  of  twenty-five,  born  in  Belluno,  who  was  called 
Charles  de  Rudio.  He  belonged  to  a  noble  Venetian 
family  which  owed  its  decline  to  dissoluteness  rather 
than  to  poverty.     His  father  and  mother  had  been 


TEE  BEGINNING   OF  1858  237 

compromised  in  political  troubles,  and,  after  leading 
a  wandering  life  he  himself  had  at  last  settled  in 
Nottingham,  England,  as  a  teacher  of  languages. 

Provided  with  a  false  passport  under  the  name  of 
Thomas  Allsop,  Orsini  left  England  November  28, 
1857,  stopped  for  some  days  in  Brussels,  and  went 
from  there  to  Paris  December  12,  taking  good  care 
to  include  the  bombs  in  his  luggage.  At  Brussels  he 
commissioned  a  man  named  Zeghers  to  bring  a  horse 
which  he  had  just  bought  to  him  at  Paris,  and  en- 
trusted to  his  care  ten  half-cylinders  in  iron  which 
he  said  were  to  be  used  as  gas-fixtures.  Zeghers 
presented  these  at  the  custom-house  of  Valenciennes, 
where  they  were  regarded  as  of  so  little  importance 
that  no  duty  was  collected  on  them.  He  did  not 
suspect  that  these  half-cylinders  were  to  be  used  in 
the  making  of  fulminating  bombs,  and  on  reaching 
the  Parisian  hotel  where  Orsini  had  put  up,  he  left 
them  in  plain  sight  along  with  the  brushes  he  had 
used  in  grooming  the  horse.  On  Orsini's  arrival  he 
made  haste  to  conceal  objects  which  might  have 
attracted  attention. 

Installed  since  December  15  in  a  furnished  apart- 
ment on  the  ground  floor  of  No.  10  rue  Mont-Thabor, 
the  leader  of  the  conspiracy  had  given  himself  out 
for  an  Englishman  and  provided  himself  with  visit- 
ing cards  engraved  with  the  name  of  Thomas  Allsop. 
January  8  he  was  rejoined  by  two  of  his  accomplices, 
Pieri  and  Gomez.  Simon  Bernard  was  to  remain  in 
England.      In    Paris   Orsini  was  now  awaiting  the 


238        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

arrival  of  Charles  de  Rudio,  whom  he  had  not  met, 
and  whom  Bernard  was  to  send  him.  The  latter 
gave  a  sura  of  money  and  a  passport  under  the  name 
of  Silva  to  Rudio,  who  left  London  January  9,  with 
instructions  to  go  at  once  on  reaching  Paris  to  rue 
Mont-Thabor,  No.  10,  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Allsop,  and 
give  him  a  pair  of  gold  spectacles,  the  sign  agreed 
on  for  his  recognition.  Things  happened  in  this  man- 
ner, and  the  four  conspirators  were  together.  The 
police  were  looking  for  Fieri  only,  and  had  not  dis- 
covered him.  As  to  the  three  others,  their  names  were 
not  known  nor  their  presence  in  Paris  suspected. 

At  this  moment  the  public  was  chiefly  occupied 
with  the  funeral  of  Mademoiselle  Rachel,  who  died 
at  Cannes,  January  3,  and  was  buried  at  Paris, 
January  11.  An  immense  crowd  assisted  at  the 
obsequies  of  the  woman  whose  talent  was  a  national 
glory.  In  the  evening  there  was  no  performance  at 
the  Théâtre-Français  where  she  had  had  so  many 
triumphs.  But  there  was  soon  no  further  thought 
for  the  actress  ;  other  poniards  than  those  of  Mel- 
pomene occupied  attention,  and  the  public  was  look- 
ing at  a  tragedy  in  the  street,  in  front  of  a  theatre, 
which  was  more  terrible  than  those  of  Racine  and 
Corneille. 

Orsini,  a  dilettante  of  crime,  made  ready  for  the 
attempt  with  the  calmness  and  the  bearing  of  a 
gentleman.  He  used  to  ride  in  the  Bois  de  Boulogne, 
seeking  opportunities  to  see  the  Emperor,  following 
him  everywhere,  and  saying  of   him  :  "  He  has  no 


TEE  BEGINNING   OF  1858  239 

fear."  As  was  remarked  by  the  imperial  prosecutor 
in  his  charge,  this  was  neither  the  expression  of 
regret  nor  remorse,  but  of  hope.  Orsini  said  to  him- 
self :  "  He  suspects  nothing,  I  shall  have  him,  I  am 
sure  of  reaching  him." 


CHAPTER   XXIX 

THE  ATTEMPT   OF   JANUARY   14 

n^HERE  is  never  any  performance  at  the  Opéra  on 
Thursday.  By  exception  one  was  given  on 
Thursday,  January  14, 1858,  as  a  benefit  for  the  retir- 
ing baritone,  Massol.  And  it  was  known  that  the 
Emperor  and  the  Empress  were  to  be  present  at  a 
representation  announced  to  be  very  brilliant.  The 
weather  was  superb  and  the  night  starry.  The  streets 
and  the  approaches  to  rue  Le  Peletier  were  thronged. 

At  eight  o'clock  Orsini,  Fieri,  de  Rudio,  and  Gomez 
left  their  lodging.  No.  10  rue  Mont-Thabor.  The 
parts  had  been  assigned  between  the  four  accom- 
plices. The  two  largest  bombs  were  given  to  Gomez 
and  de  Rudio,  Orsini  kept  two  smaller  ones.  Fieri 
had  taken  a  fifth  similar  in  size  to  those  of  Orsini. 
It  had  been  agreed  that  Gomez  should  throw  the  first 
one,  Rudio  the  second,  then  Orsini,  and  Fieri  the 
last.  It  was  also  agreed  that  on  reaching  rue  Le 
Feletier  they  would  take  positions  on  the  pavement 
in  front  of  the  principal  entrance  of  the  peristyle, 
between  the  houses  and  the  crowd  of  spectators,  on 
a  line  with  No.  21. 

Orsini  shall  go  on  with  the  story  :  "  I  noticed  on 
240 


THE  ATTEMPT  OF  JANUARY  U  241 

the  way  that  Fieri  v/as  lagging  behind,  and  I  even 
said  to  de  Rudio  that  he  made  me  feel  as  if  he  wanted 
to  desert.  On  arriving  at  rue  Le  Peletier  he  had 
passed  in  front  of  us.  We  rested  two  minutes  at  the 
corner  of  the  street  and  the  boulevard.  We  had 
scarcely  entered  rue  Le  Peletier  than  I  met  Fieri 
coming  towards  us  in  company  with  a  gentleman 
whom  I  did  not  know.  He  winked  at  me  in  passing, 
but  I  did  not  understand  that  he  wanted  to  tell  me 
he  had  been  arrested." 

Fieri  had  in  fact  just  been  arrested  in  rue  Le  Pele- 
tier, near  rue  Rossini,  by  officer  Hébert,  who  had  his 
description.  He  was  taken  to  the  guard-house,  where 
he  was  found  to  be  carrying  a  fulminating  bomb  and 
a  five-barrelled  revolver  loaded  and  primed. 

The  Emperor  and  the  Empress  had  not  yet  arrived. 
The  reigning  Duke  of  Saxe-Coburg-Gotha,  who  was 
to  witness  the  play  from  the  imperial  box,  was  await- 
ing Their  Majesties  at  the  foot  of  the  stairs,  chatting 
meanwhile  with  General  Fleury.  During  the  day 
the  Duke  had  gone  out  in  a  carriage  with  Napoleon 
IH.  In  crossing  the  Font-Neuf,  in  front  of  the  statue 
of  Henry  IV.,  the  Emperor,  thinking  of  the  plots 
which  menaced  his  life,  said  to  the  German  Frince, 
"  The  only  thing  I  dread  is  a  poniard  such  as  Ravail- 
lac's.  In  any  other  case  the  criminal  always  hopes 
to  save  himself  by  flight,  and  that  thought  paralyzes 
his  strength."  At  the  foot  of  the  Opéra  staircase 
General  Fleury  was  bragging  to  the  Duke  about  the 
new  organization  of  the  surveillance  service,  and  add- 


242        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

ing  that  there  was  nothing  more  to  be  feared  but 
plots  simiLar  to  that  of  the  Hippodrome,  where  the 
Opéra-Comique  would  not  be  repeated. 

It  is  half-past  eight.  The  imperial  procession 
comes  into  rue  Le  Peletier,  headed  by  a  carriage  con- 
taining the  officers  of  the  household  ;  then  comes  the 
escort  formed  by  a  platoon  of  lancers  of  the  guard  ; 
and  finally  the  two-horse  carriage  containing  the  Em- 
peror and  Empress,  and  on  the  front  seat  an  aide-de- 
camp. General  Roguet.  Arriving  opposite  the  prin- 
cipal entrance  of  the  theatre,  the  imperial  carriage  is 
driven  more  slowly  so  as  to  enter  the  reserved  pas- 
sage at  the  extremity  of  the  peristyle  ;  at  this  moment 
three  explosions  are  heard  at  an  interval  of  a  few 
seconds,  the  first  in  front  of  the  imperial  carriage  and 
in  the  last  rank  of  the  lancers,  the  second  nearer  and 
a  little  to  the  left  of  the  carriage,  the  third  beneath 
it.  Gomez  had  just  thrown  the  first  bomb.  Then 
Orsini  had  said  to  de  Rudio  :  "  Throw  yours  !  " 
Rudio  had  in  fact  thrown  it  and  at  once  hidden  him- 
self in  a  cabaret,  where  he  heard  the  third  explosion, 
produced  by  one  of  Orsini's  bombs.  The  first  one 
had  extinguished  all  the  gas-jets  illumining  the  front 
of  the  theatre  merely  by  the  commotion  it  produced. 
The  glass  in  the  peristyle  and  in  the  windows  of 
adjoining  houses  all  flew  into  splinters.  The  im- 
mense awning  which  protects  the  entrance  in  sum- 
mer was  perforated  in  spite  of  its  extreme  solidity. 
Struck  by  seventy-six  projectiles,  the  imperial  car- 
riage is  literally  riddled.     One  of  the  horses  dies  at 


THE  ATTEMPT  OF  JANUARY  U  243 

once,  the  other  is  badly  hurt.  The  three  footmen 
and  the  driver  are  wounded.  Several  discharges 
have  entered  the  carriage.  General  Roguet  has  re- 
ceived a  violent  contusion  over  the  ear  which  results 
in  his  losing  a  great  deal  of  blood.  The  Emperor's 
hat  is  pierced  by  a  projectile.  The  robe  of  the  Em- 
press is  bloodied,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty-six  per- 
sons have  been  hurt.  Among  the  victims  are  twenty- 
one  women,  eleven  children,  thirteen  lancers,  eleven 
guards  of  Paris,  thirty-one  agents  or  officers  of  the 
police  prefecture.  There  is  a  general  commotion,  an 
indescribable  tumult,  a  scene  of  alarm  and  horror. 
The  Emperor  and  Empress  do  not  leave  the  carriage 
until  after  the  last  explosion.  Preserving  their  cool- 
ness, thej^  seem  to  have  no  anxiety  except  to  care  for 
those  who  are  wounded.  Just  as  some  one  is  singing 
the  fragment  of  William  Tell  which  opened  the  even- 
ing's performance,  they  enter  the  hall.  An  immense 
acclamation  greets  them.  They  bow  their  thanks  to 
the  public,  and  as  soon  as  they  have  taken  seats  in 
their  box  the  representation  proceeds. 

After  the  morceaux  from  William  Tell  came  the 
first  act  of  Mary  Stuart.  I  have  lately  had  the  honor 
(October,  1897)  of  chatting  with  Madame  Ristori, 
now  the  widow  of  Marquis  Capranica  del  Grillo,  and 
surrounded  by  all  respect.  In  describing  the  repre- 
sentation of  January  1-4,  1858,  she  said:  "When  I 
reached  the  passage  where  Mary  Stuart,  addressing 
Mortimer,  exclaims:  '  The  arm  of  the  assassin  !  That 
is  my  sole,  my  real  terror,'  the  Emperor,  seated  be- 


244        TUE  COURT  OF  TUE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

side  the  Empress,  calm  and  impassible,  gave  me  a 
glance  that  I  shall  never  forget."  The  all-powerful 
sovereign,  master  of  France,  adulated  b}-  Europe,  felt 
that  he  also  had  but  one  fear,  the  assassins.  He 
too,  looking  the  tragedienne  in  the  face,  had  a  touch 
of  tragedy. 

The  representation,  -which  was  to  finish  by  the  Bal 
masqué  de  Gustave  —  Gustavus  III.  of  Sweden  assas- 
sinated in  a  theatre,  —  went  on  without  any  change 
in  the  programme.  Their  Majesties  remained  until 
it  was  over.  At  midnight,  when  they  left  the  Opéra, 
a  great  many  houses  on  the  boulevard  had  been  spon- 
taneously illuminated,  and  as  they  drove  by  a  con- 
siderable crowd  greeted  them  with  cheers.  Among 
the  persons  who  had  come  to  the  Tuileries  to  con- 
gratulate them  on  having  escaped  death  as  by  a  mir- 
acle. Their  Majesties  found  the  English  ambassador, 
the  president  of  the  Senate,  members  of  the  diplo- 
matic corps,  senators,  and  deputies.  The  Emperor 
maintained  his  imperturbable  tranquillity,  but  his 
face  bore  the  traces  of  profound  sadness. 

And  nov/  let  us  see  what  had  become  of  the  mur- 
derers. The  police  had  begun  the  most  active  inves- 
tigations immediately  after  the  outrage.  Fieri,  as 
we  have  said  already,  had  been  arrested  before  the 
explosion  of  the  bombs.  How  did  they  contrive  to 
seize  Gomez,  Rudio,  and  Orsini? 

All  the  houses  on  rue  Le  Peletier,  opposite  the 
Opéra,  were  searched.  One  of  them  was  the  Broggi 
restaurant.     There  the  police  agents  noticed  a  young 


THE  ATTEMPT  OF  JANUARY  U  245 

man,  apparently  a  foreigner,  who  was  weeping  and 
seemed  in  great  trouble.  He  was  asked  for  his 
name  and  address,  and  replied  that  he  was  called 
Swiney,  and  that  for  the  last  month  he  had  been  in 
the  service  of  a  Mr.  Allsop,  an  Englishman,  who 
resided  No.  10  rue  j\Iont-Thabor.  Shortly  after  this, 
a  five-barrelled  revolver,  loaded  and  primed,  was 
found  under  a  dresser  in  the  restaurant  Broggi, 
where  it  had  been  deposited  by  the  so-called  Swiney, 
who  was  no  other  than  Gomez,  and  who  ended  by 
owning  up  to  the  fact.  If  he  had  not  lost  his  head 
he  would  not  have  indicated  the  residence  of  Orsini, 
and  the  police  would  have  been  at  a  loss  to  seize  the 
arch-conspirator. 

After  launching  his  first  bomb,  Orsini  had  been 
one  of  those  wounded  by  it,  and  this  not  only  pre- 
vented him  from  throwing  the  second,  but  made  those 
around  him  suppose  that  he  was  a  victim  and  not  a 
murderer.  He  went  into  the  Vautherin  pharmacy. 
No.  34  rue  Laffitte,  between  rue  Rossini  and  rue  de 
Provence,  to  have  his  wounds  attended  to,  and  on 
leaving  it,  a  compassionate  person  named  Decailly 
led  him  by  the  arm  to  a  carriage-stand  on  the  corner 
of  rue  Laffitte  and  rue  de  Provence.  A  cab  took 
him  to  his  apartment  in  rue  Mont-Thabor.  There  he 
believed  himself  in  safet}^  and  had  just  gone  to  bed 
when  the  police  entered.  He  said  at  first  that  his 
name  was  Allsop,  and  that  he  was  an  Englishman 
and  a  brewer.  But  as  soon  as  he  comprehended  that 
the  information  given  by  Gomez  had  ruined  him,  he 


246      THE  cou  HT  of  the  second  empire 

avowed  that  he  was  Felix  Orsini,  aged  thirty-nine, 
and  a  native  of  Moldoha  in  the  Roman  States. 

As  to  Rudio,  after  launching  his  bomb  he  had 
taken  refuge  in  a  cabaret.  The  confusion  enabled 
him  to  escape,  and  he  quietly  returned  to  the  Hôtel 
de  France,  No.  132  Montmartre,  where  he  lodged,  and 
where  he  thought  he  was  safe.  Unluckily  for  him, 
his  address  was  given  by  Fieri,  as  that  of  Orsini  had 
been  by  Gomez.  The  two  murderers,  both  equally 
agitated,  had  supplied  the  information  which  the 
police  would  have  been  unable  to  extort.  As  soon 
as  he  was  arrested,  Fieri  had  said  that  he  lodged 
with  another  person  at  the  Hôtel  de  France  et  de 
Champagne.  The  agents  went  with  all  haste  to  this 
hotel,  where,  in  a  double-bedded  chamber,  they  found 
a  young  man  who  at  first  called  himself  Da  Silva,  but 
ended  by  avowing  that  he  was  Charles  de  Rudio, 
aged  twenty-five,  and  born  at  Belluno,  in  Venetia. 

Thus  it  was  that  within  a  few  hours,  thanks  to  an 
extraordinary  chance  and  to  information  furnished 
by  the  guilty  men  themselves,  the  police  were  en- 
abled to  lay  hands  on  the  four  authors  of  the  crime. 

M.  Chaix  d'Est-Ange  will  say  in  his  speech  as 
public  prosecutor  :  "  The  buckler  which  shields  the 
Emperor  and  Empress  is  visible  to  everybody.  If 
Orsini  had  not  been  wounded,  the  fourth  bomb 
would  have  been  thrown,  and  if  Fieri,  who  was 
nearest  to  the  cortège,  had  not  been  arrested  a  few 
minutes  before  it  approached,  who  could  depict  the 
misfortune  we  should  have  had  to  deplore  ?     Yes,  it 


THE  ATTEMPT  OF  JANUARY  U  247 

■was  necessary  that  by  a  miracle  Fieri  should  be 
recognized  by  possibly  the  only  man  who  remem- 
bered him,  and  that,  by  a  second  miracle,  Orsini, 
after  launching  his  first  bomb,  should  be  wounded, 
not  dangerously,  but  sufficiently  so  to  be  marked  on 
the  forehead  and  blinded  by  a  veil  of  blood  which 
Providence  cast  over  his  eyes  in  order  to  prevent  the 
greatest  of  crimes." 

At  present,  may  it  not  be  asked  whether,  from  the 
point  of  view  of  the  intereets  of  his  dynasty,  it  would 
not  have  been  better  for  Napoleon  III.  to  die  at  a 
moment  when  his  reign  had  as  yet  been  characterized 
only  by  success  ?  Alas  !  although  so  short,  human 
life  is  yet  often  too  long,  even  for  men  whose  ex- 
istence seems  the  most  necessary  to  their  country. 
If  Louis  XVI.  had  died  in  1783,  after  signing  the 
glorious  treaty  of  Versailles  which  consecrated  the 
independence  of  the  United  States  ;  Napoleon  in 
1811,  when  the  birth  of  a  son  crowned  the  summit  of 
his  desires;  Charles  X.  in  1830,  on  the  morrow  of  the 
taking  of  Algiers;  Louis  Philippe  in  1846,  after  the 
great  success  of  the  Spanish  marriages  ;  Napoleon  III. 
in  1858,  assassinated  like  Csesar  at  the  zenith  of  his 
fortunes,  —  Providence,  in  giving  these  sovereigns  a 
timely  death,  would  have  spared  them  the  catas- 
trophes which  wrecked  both  them  and  their  dynas- 
ties. But  on  the  morrow  of  the  Orsini  attempt, 
nobody  made  such  reflections  as  these,  and  on  every 
side  thanks  were  returned  to  God  who  had  preserved 
the  life  of  the  Emperor. 


CHAPTER   XXX 

AFTER   THE   OUTRAGE 

rFlHE  morning  after  the  crime  the  Emperor  and 
Empress  went  out  in  an  open  carriage  and  drove 
without  an  escort  through  the  boulevards,  where  they 
were  greeted  very  warmly.  Subsequently  they  vis- 
ited, at  the  Gros-Caillou  hospital,  those  of  the  wounded 
who  had  formed  part  of  their  escort  on  the  previous 
evening. 

January  16,  they  received  at  the  Tuileries  the 
members  of  the  diplomatic  corps,  of  the  Senate,  the 
Legislature,  the  Council  of  State,  and  the  Municipal 
Council.  The  president  of  the  Senate,  M.  Troplong, 
spoke  as  follows  :  "  The  revolutionary  spirit,  driven 
from  France,  has  chosen  its  domicile  abroad  and 
made  itself  cosmopolitan.  It  is  from  these  exterior 
citadels,  raised  against  Europe  in  the  midst  of 
Europe  itself,  that  fanatical  assassins  are  sent  with 
orders  to  cast  fire  and  sword  upon  the  prince  who 
bears  the  buckler  of  European  order  on  his  powerful 
arm  ;  odious  conspirators  whose  policy  consists  in 
assassination,  and  who  attack  even  feeble  women, 
not  knowing  that  among  them  there  arc  those  whose 
courage   rises   even   to   heroism.      But,   since   these 

248 


AFTER   THE  OUTRAGE  249 

implacable  revolutionists  have  communized  their 
furies  of  destruction,  why  do  not  governments  and 
peoples  lend  each  other  a  joint  support  for  their 
legitimate  defence?  The  law  of  nations  authorizes 
it;  equity  and  mutual  interests  make  it  a  duty." 

The  famous  jurisconsult,  president  of  the  Senate, 
ended  his  speech  in  an  almost  lyric  tone  :  "  Yes,  Sire, 
God,  who  says  by  the  mouth  of  the  prophet,  '  With- 
draw from  me,  ye  men  of  blood  !  '  will  not  permit 
that  crime  should  interrupt  too  soon  the  mission  of 
restoration  and  progress  which  He  has  imposed  upon 
you.     Long  live  the  Emperor  !  " 

Count  de  Morny,  president  of  the  Corps  Législatif, 
spoke  next.  The  following  passage  was  the  most 
noticeable  in  his  address  :  "  We  cannot  disguise  from 
you.  Sire,  that  the  populations  we  have  recently 
visited  are  disturbed  concerning  the  effects  of  your 
clemency,  which  is  too  much  in  accordance  with  the 
goodness  of  your  heart  :  and  when  they  see  such 
abominable  attempts  prepared  abroad,  they  wonder 
why  neighboring  and  friendly  powers  are  unable  to 
destroy  these  laboratories  of  assassination,  and  how 
the  sacred  laws  of  hospitality  can  be  applied  to 
ferocious  beasts." 

In  making  his  brief  acknowledgments  to  the  great 
bodies  of  State,  the  Emperor  declared  that,  although 
he  was  determined  to  take  such  measures  as  should 
be  deemed  necessary,  he  would  not  depart  from  those 
paths  of  prudence  and  moderation  which  he  had 
previously  followed. 


250        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 


The  sympathies  of  Europe  came  prominently  into 
view.  Count  de  Persign}^,  ambassador  of  France  in 
England,  wrote  from  London  to  Count  Walewski, 
January  16  :  "I  was  at  Badminton,  at  the  house  of 
the  Duke  and  Duchess  of  Beaufort,  when  tidings 
of  the  frightful  outrage  reached  me.  Going  to 
London,  I  found  the  whole  city  profoundly  affected. 
As  in  Paris,  public  opinion  everywhere  manifests 
energetic  indignation  against  that  infamous  sect  of 
assassins  who  up  to  now  seem  to  have  found  an  in- 
violable asylum  in  English  laws.  .  .  .  At  the  first 
news  of  the  attempted  crime,  Lord  Palmerston  and 
Lord  Clarendon  wrote  to  me,  the  latter  in  the  name 
of  the  Queen,  and  there  arrive  momentarily  at  the 
embassy  new  testimonies  of  sympathy  for  the  Em- 
peror. As  to  that  band  of  scoundrels  who  direct 
these  frightful  crimes  from  here,  T  think  that  after 
such  an  event  it  will  not  be  difficult  for  me  to  obtain 
some  measures  respecting  them  from  the  English 
government." 

January  18,  Napoleon  III.  opened  the  session  of 
1858  at  the  Tuileries,  in  the  hall  of  the  Marshals. 
His  discourse,  one  of  the  most  eloquent  he  ever  de- 
livered, produced  a  very  deep  impression.  He  said: 
"  Let  us  not  forget  that  the  progress  of  every  new 
power  is  for  a  long  time  a  struggle.  Whatever  one 
may  say,  the  danger  does  not  lie  in  the  excessive 
prerogatives  of  power,  but  rather  in  the  absence  of 
repressive  laws.  ...  I  eagerly  welcome,  without 
pausing  at  their  antecedents,  all  those  who  recognize 


AFTER   TUE  OUTRAGE  251 

the  national  will.  As  to  provocators  of  disturbances 
and  organizers  of  conspiracies,  let  them  know  that 
their  time  is  over." 

The  close  of  the  imperial  speech  was  received  with 
genuine  enthusiasm.  "I  thank  Heaven,"  said  Na- 
poleon III.,  "  for  the  visible  protection  with  which  it 
has  sheltered  us,  the  Empress  and  myself,  and  I 
deplore  that  so  many  victims  should  have  been  made 
in  order  to  attack  the  life  of  a  single  man.  However, 
these  plots  carry  with  them  more  than  one  useful 
lesson  :  the  first  is  that  the  parties  which  have  re- 
course to  assassination  prove  by  des^^erate  efforts 
their  weakness  and  their  impotence  ;  the  second  is 
that  an  assassination,  even  though  successful,  has 
never  aided  the  cause  of  those  who  armed  the  assas- 
sins. Neither  the  party  that  struck  down  Ctesar, 
nor  that  whicli  aimed  at  Henry  IV.,  reaped  profit 
from  their  murder.  God  sometimes  permits  the 
death  of  the  just,  but  He  never  permits  the  triumph 
of  the  cause  of  crime.  Hence  these  attempts  can 
disturb  neither  my  security  in  the  present  nor  my 
faith  in  the  future.  If  I  live,  the  Empire  lives  with 
me  ;  and  if  I  fall,  the  Empire  would  be  still  further 
consolidated  by  my  death,  for  the  indignation  of  the 
people  and  the  army  would  be  an  additional  support 
for  the  throne  of  my  son.  Let  us  look  forward  to 
the  future  then  with  confidence  ;  let  our  daily  labors 
for  the  welfare  and  the  greatness  of  the  country  be 
undisturbed  by  anxious  preoccupations.  God  pro- 
tect France  !  " 


252        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

The  Assembly  rose  as  one  man  and  cheered  him 
with  the  utmost  enthusiasm. 

Count  de  Persigny  continued  to  hope  that  the 
English  government  would  take  the  necessary  meas- 
ures. He  wrote  to  Count  Walewski,  January  18  : 
"  Yesterday,  during  the  day,  Lord  Palmerston  called 
on  me  twice  without  finding  me  at  home.  I  went 
to  his  house,  and,  in  his  absence,  Lady  Palmerston 
was  eager  to  tell  me  that  she  hoped  the  trial  would 
disclose  the  complicity  of  other  refugees  in  England, 
and  that  I  need  not  doubt  the  sentiments  of  Lord 
Palmerston  as  to  all  that  ought  to  be  done. 

"I  am  unwilling  to  close  this  despatch  without 
telling  you  how  greatly  people  have  been  struck 
by  the  courage  and  coolness  of  the  Emperor  and 
Empress  under  these  terrible  circumstances.  Still, 
they  knew  what  might  be  expected  from  the  char- 
acter of  the  Emperor  ;  but  the  Empress  has  appeared 
under  a  wholly  new  light  and  has  gained  universal 
admiration." 

January  20,  the  Moniteur  published  the  following 
paragraph  :  "  Amidst  the  general  reprobation  excited 
by  the  outrage  of  January  14,  it  has  made  us  indig- 
nant to  see  a  Belgian  journal,  the  Drapeau,  in  its 
issue  of  Januar}^  17,  highly  approve  the  assassination 
of  the  Emperor.  We  await  the  decision  of  the  Bel- 
gian government." 

Meantime,  the  dispositions  of  the  English  gov- 
ernment continued  favorable.  In  a  despatch  of  Jan- 
uary 21,  M.  de  Persigny  says  :  "  I  must  not  forget 


AFTER  THE  OUTRAGE  253 

to  tell  you  of  the  prodigious  effect  produced  by  the 
Emperor's  speech.  Mr.  Disraeli  told  me  yesterday 
that  the  last  part  of  it  seemed  to  him  the  most  mag- 
nificent piece  of  written  eloquence  in  any  known 
language.  But,  apart  from  this  merit,  the  speech 
has  so  admirably  replied  to  the  attacks  made  here 
against  our  government,  that  it  will  floor  the  mis- 
chievous English  press  for  a  long  time  to  come." 

January  25  the  marriage  of  the  Princess  Royal 
with  Prince  Frederic  of  Prussia  (the  future  Em- 
peror Frederic  III.)  was  celebrated  in  London. 
In  Paris,  the  English  ambassador  and  Lady  Cowley 
gave  a  grand  ball  at  the  embassy  in  honor  of  the 
event.  At  this  ball,  as  everywhere  else,  Napoleon 
III.  never  lost  his  imperturbable  calm  and  his  impas- 
sible attitude.  He  exhibited  neither  preoccupation 
nor  anxiety.  But,  at  bottom,  he  was  conscious  of 
being  greatly  menaced,  and  he  cherished  no  illusions 
as  to  the  bitterness  of  the  assassins.  What  con- 
fronted one  in  the  attempt  of  January  14  was  neither 
an  isolated  fact  nor  the  crime  of  a  madman  or  a  fool  ; 
what  had  occurred  was  merely  an  episode  of  an  in- 
cessantly renewed  conspiracy.  The  court  retained 
all  its  brilliancy,  all  its  animation  ;  but  a  vague  terror 
reigned  there.  Every  time  her  husband  left  the 
Tuileries,  the  Empress  wondered  whether  he  would 
return  alive.  Most  precise  details,  coming  not  merely 
from  England  but  from  Belgium,  Switzerland,  and 
Piedmont,  described  the  sect  of  assassins  as  irrevo- 
cably bent  upon  continuing  its  system  of  murders. 


254        THE  COUBT  OJP  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

We  cite,  among  other  warnings,  this  telegraphic 
despatch  addressed  to  Count  Walewski  by  Prince  de 
La  Tour  d'Auvergne,  Minister  of  France  at  Turin  : 
"  Count  Cavour  is  informed  by  a  report  of  the  Sar- 
dinian police  that  in  one  of  the  outings  which  the 
Emperor  will  take,  whether  in  a  carriage  or  on 
horseback,  several  individuals  dressed  as  workmen, 
among  whom  there  will  be  some  children,  are  to 
approach  the  Emperor  as  if  to  present  petitions. 
When  His  Majesty  stops,  they  Avill  fling  at  him  five 
egg-shaped  objects  which,  being  enveloped  in  a  very 
delicate  covering,  are  capable  of  exploding  at  the 
slightest  shock.  These  projectiles  will  be  filled  with 
an  adhesive  material  which  will  stick  to  garments 
like  glue  and  produce  fumes  and  an  odor  which  may 
produce  sudden  death  by  asphyxia.  This  informa- 
tion has  been  sent  from  London  to  Count  Cavour." 

January  27,  the  Emperor  issues  a  decree  dividing 
the  troops  of  the  line  stationed  in  the  interior  of 
France  into  five  great  military  commands  confided 
to  the  marshals  of  France.  This  decree  is  generally 
considered  a  proof  of  the  mysterious  perils  which 
menace  the  sovereiffii'  He  looks  at  the  situation 
himself  as  if  he  were  about  to  be  assassinated,  and 
speaks  of  the  regency  and  the  Emperor  minor. 

February  1,  M.  Achille  Fould,  Minister  of  State, 
bears  an  imperial  message  to  the  Senate.  These 
words  occur  in  it  :  "  Messieurs  the  senators,  the 
senatus-consult  of  July  17,  1856,  leaves  an  uncer- 
tainty which  I  think   it   useful   to   terminate  from 


AFTEB   THE  OUTRAGE  255 

to-day.  In  effect,  it  does  not  confer  the  regency 
on  the  Empress,  or,  in  her  absence,  on  the  French 
princes,  except  the  Emperor  has  not  otherwise  dis- 
posed by  public  or  secret  act.  I  believe  I  shall 
satisfy  the  wishes  of  the  public  as  well  as  obey  a 
sentiment  of  lofty  confidence  in  the  Empress  by 
designating  her  as  regent.  Moved  by  the  same 
sentiments,  I  designate  in  her  absence,  as  her  suc- 
cessors in  the  regency,  the  French  princes  according 
to  the  hereditary  order  of  the  crown.  I  have  ap- 
pointed a  privy  council  which,  with  the  addition  of 
the  two  French  princes  (Prince  Jerome  and  his  son 
Prince  Napoleon),  will  become  the  council  of  the 
regency  by  the  mere  fact  of  the  accession  of  the 
Emperor  minor,  unless,  at  that  moment,  I  have 
appointed  some  one  else  by  a  public  act.  This 
privy  council,  composed  of  men  possessing  my  con- 
fidence, will  be  consulted  on  great  affairs  of  State, 
and  prepare  itself,  by  studying  the  duties  and  neces- 
sities of  the  government,  for  the  important  part  which 
the  future  may  hold  in  reserve  for  it." 

After  reading  the  message,  M.  Fould  acquaints 
the  senators  with  the  existence  of  letters  patent  ex- 
pressed in  the  following  terms  :  "  Wishing  to  ter- 
minate from  to-day  the  uncertainties  resulting  from 
the  senatus-consult  of  July  17,  1856,  and  to  give  our 
beloved  spouse  the  Empress  Eugénie  a  mark  of  the 
high  confidence  we  have  in  her,  we  have  resolved  to 
confer  and  do  by  these  presents  confer  upon  her  the 
title  of  regent,  to  bear  that  title  and  exercise  its  f  une- 


256        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

tions  from  the  day  of  the  accession  of  the  Emperor 
minor,  all  in  conformity  with  the  arrangements  of 
the  senatus-consult  concerning  the  regency." 

The  letters  patent  of  February  1  are  followed  by 
a  decree  of  the  same  day  which  appoints  a  privy 
council  obliged  to  assemble  under  the  presidency  of 
the  Emperor.  Cardinal  Morlot,  the  Marshal  Duke 
of  Malakoff,  M.  Achille  Fould,  M.  Troplong,  Count 
de  Morny,  M.  Baroche,  and  Count  de  Persigny  are 
appointed  members  of  this  council.  February  7, 
General  Espinasse  is  appointed  Minister  of  the  In- 
terior and  of  Public  Safety.  Before  describing  his 
ministry,  we  are  about  to  relate  the  mission  of 
General  della  Rocca  and  the  trial  of  Orsini  and  his 
three  accomplices. 


CHAPTER  XXXI 

GENERAL  DELLA  ROCCA 

/^  REAT  anxiety  prevailed  in  Turin,  especially  in 
^"'^  official  circles.  What  did  Napoleon  III.  think 
of  the  situation?  Would  he  hold  all  Italians  re- 
sponsible for  the  crime  of  some  of  them  ?  Would  he 
open  his  eyes  to  the  revolutionary  centre  existing  in 
Piedmont,  to  the  proceedings  of  political  refugees 
who  were  always  getting  up  disturbances  there,  to 
articles  like  those  in  Mazzini's  journal,  Italia  e  Po- 
polo,  which  extolled  assassination?  Italian  national 
aspirations  had  declared  enemies  in  the  Emperor's 
circle  and  even  among  his  counsellors.  Would  they 
not  try  to  exploit  Orsini's  attempt  against  the  policy 
of  Count  Cavour?  The  entire  plan  of  this  minister 
rested  upon  the  armed  concurrence  of  France.  Apart 
from  such  a  combination  he  saw  not  the  slightest 
chance  of  wresting  Milan  and  Venice  from  Austria. 
If  Napoleon  III.  were  to  change  his  tactics,  if,  con- 
formably with  the  views  of  several  of  his  ministers, 
he  adopted  the  Austrian  alliance,  all  the  scaffolding 
so  laboriously  erected  by  M.  de  Cavour  would  tumble 
down.     The  moment  was  critical. 

At  this  time  Victor  Emmanuel  conceived  the  idea 

s  257 


258        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

of  sending  his  chief  aide-de-camp,  General  della  Rocca, 
to  Paris  to  congratuLate  the  Emperor  on  his  escape 
from  assassination,  and  to  induce  him  to  persevere  in 
his  Italian  sympathies. 

At  first  sight,  the  task  did  not  seem  an  easy  one. 
The  adversaries  of  Piedmont  criticised  his  conduct 
severely.  The  Pope's  nuncio  in  France,  Mgr.  Sac- 
coni,  exclaimed  :  "  Behold  the  fruit  of  the  agitations 
stirred  up  by  M.  Cavour."  Baron  Hiibner,  ambas- 
sador of  Austria,  said  that  the  time  had  come  to 
form  a  close  alliance  between  the  court  of  the  Tui- 
leries and  that  of  Vienna.  It  was  claimed  that  Pied- 
mont was  an  arsenal,  a  laboratory  of  conspiracies. 
Attention  was  called  to  the  fact  that  five  days  before 
the  outrage,  Mazzini  had  published  at  Genoa  a  mani- 
festo full  of  hatred,  wrath,  and  sinister  predictions. 
It  was  added  that  on  the  morrow  of  the  crime  a 
Piedmontese  journal,  the  Magione,  had  excused  mur- 
der. These  incidents  were  envenomed,  and  a  rumor 
that  the  days  of  Count  Cavour  were  counted  got 
into  circulation. 

The  envoy  of  King  Victor  Emmanuel  had  to  con- 
tend against  great  prejudices,  and,  though  a  soldier  of 
distinction,  to  apply  himwelf  to  diplomacy.  General 
della  Rocca,  who  died  in  1897  at  the  age  of  ninety, 
the  latest  survivor  of  the  generals  of  the  Italian 
army,  was  born  June  20,  1807.  He  possessed  his 
sovereign's  entire  confidence  and  was  not  a  new  ac- 
quaintance to  Napoleon  III.  Twice  already  he  had 
been  extremely  well  received  at  the  Tuileries.     He 


GENERAL  BELLA   EOCCA  259 

was  there  at  the  close  of  1855,  with  Victor  Emman- 
uel, then  so  petted  by  the  Emperor. 

In  his  work,  Ricordi  storici  e  anedottici  del  générale 
Delia  Rocca^  the  general  has  given  some  curious 
details  concerning  this  sojourn  of  the  King  at  Paris. 
Victor  Emmanuel  had  been  a  widower  for  two 
years.  Napoleon  III.  wanted  him  to  marry  a  Holien- 
zollern  princess,  a  daughter  of  Prince  Antony  of 
Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen,  who  had  just  sold  his 
insignificant  principality  of  Sigmaringen  to  the  head 
of  his  family,  the  King  of  Prussia.  This  princess 
was  a  relative  of  the  Emperor,  since  her  mother  was 
a  daughter  of  the  Grand  Duchess  Stephanie  of 
Baden,  who  was  a  Beauharnais.  In  a  remarkable 
essay  on  the  work  of  General  della  Rocca,  Count 
Joseph  Grabinski  has  noted  that  at  this  time  Napo- 
leon III.  v/as  far  from  suspecting  that  a  son  of  Prince 
Antony  of  Hohenzollern  would  afterwards  provoke 
the  Franco-Prussian  War  and  be  the  cause  of  the  fall 
of  the  Second  Empire. 

General  della  Rocca  went  again  to  Paris  in  1856, 
and  was  present  at  the  baptism  of  the  Prince  Impe- 
rial. When  he  once  more  appeared  at  the  Tuileries, 
January  24,  1858,  bearing  an  autograph  letter  from 
the  King  to  the  Emperor,  he  was  excited  and  dis- 
turbed. He  had  just  learned  that  Napoleon  III. 
had  said  :  "  Piedmont  is  an  asylum  of  revolutionists 
and  assassins.  Orsini  stayed  there  several  times, 
and  Mazzini  constantly  goes  there  without  the  police 
paying  the  slightest  attention  to  him."    Accompanied 


260        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

by  Marquis  de  Villamarina,  minister  of  Sardinia  at 
Paris,  and  by  Count  Charles  de  Robilant,  artillery 
captain  and  orderly  officer  of  His  Sardinian  Majesty 
(the  same  who  was  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  from 
1885  to  1887),  he  presented  himself  at  the  Tuileries 
and  remitted  Victor  Emmanuel's  letter  without  com- 
ment. 

January  26,  a  ball  was  given  at  the  court  of  Turin. 
The  next  day  Prince  de  La  Tour  d'Auvergne, 
minister  of  France,  wrote  to  Count  Walewski  in  a 
private  letter  :  "  I  was  able  to  see  M.  Cavour  again 
last  evening  at  the  court  ball,  and  to  tell  him  once 
more  how  useful  I  thought  it  would  be  if  he  should 
adopt  some  serious  measure  concerning  the  press,  or, 
at  any  rate,  the  Italia  e  Popolo.  I  reminded  him  of 
the  constant  good-will  of  the  Emperor  with  regard 
to  Piedmont,  and  the  obligations  imposed  by  it,  under 
existing  circumstances,  on  the  government  of  Victor 
Emmanuel.  I  called  his  attention  to  the  fact  that 
while  in  Switzerland,  Belgium,  and  even  in  England 
a  disposition  to  do  something  was  manifest,  it  would 
be  truly  unaccountable  if  our  friendly  advances 
should  receive  a  less  favorable  reception  at  Turin, 
or  if,  under  any  pretext  of  legality,  there  should  be 
any  hesitation  about  suppressing  the  official  organ  of 
assassination,  the  Italia  e  Popolo,  or  prosecuting  the 
Unione  and  the  Diritto,  which  had  glorified  in  a  way 
the  outrage  of  the  14th.  Count  Cavour,  as  in  our 
former  conversation,  intrenched  himself  behind  the 
necessity  of  a  law  and  the  difficulty  of  his  personal 
position." 


GENEBAL  BELLA   ROCCA  261 

In  the  same  letter,  Prince  cle  La  Tour  d'Auvergne 
added  these  really  curious  remarks  :  "  I  should  think 
it  indispensable,  in  case  there  is  question  of  insisting 
with  Count  Cavour  in  order  to  obtain  a  more  obvious 
proof  of  his  good-will,  that  Your  Excellency  should 
explain  yourself  clearly  to  Marquis  de  Villamarina. 
The  plan  of  the  defenders  of  the  existing  state  of 
things  and  its  continuance  is,  in  fact,  at  this  moment, 
to  insinuate  that  I  am  an  agent  ivlio  goes  beyond  the 
desires  and  intentions  of  Ids  government.  They  have 
recourse  to  a  thousand  petty  manoeuvres  of  this  sort 
which  plainly  prove,  it  seems  to  me,  that  they  are  at 
bay,  and  to  which,  for  tùj  part,  I  attach  no  manner  of 
importance." 

It  soon  became  evident  that  Napoleon  III.  did  not 
dream  of  renouncing  his  Italian  sympathies.  Feb- 
ruary 3,  on  occasion  of  the  foreign  princes  who  had 
come  to  congratulate  him,  he  reviewed  several  corps 
of  his  guard  and  of  the  army  of  Paris  in  the  court  of 
the  Tuileries  and  Place  du  Carrousel.  Beside  him 
were  three  princes  of  Prussia,  Frederic  Charles,  Adal- 
bert and  Albert,  Prince  Francis  of  Lichtenstein,  the 
Prince  of  Hesse,  and  the  Prince  of  Paskiewitch.  He 
was  accompanied  by  five  marshals  of  France,  Vaillant, 
Magnan,  P(jlissier,  Canrobert,  Bosquet,  and  by  Gen- 
eral della  Rocca.  Behind  him  came  a  brilliant  staff 
in  which  a  large  number  of  foreign  officers  were 
noticeable.  Prince  Napoleon,  on  horseback  beside 
the  Emperor,  wore  the  broad  ribbon  of  the  Black 
Eagle   of   Prussia.      The    Empress   and  the  Prince 


262        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIBE 

Imperial  were  present  at  this  review,  the  first  since 
the  outrage.  "  The  Emperor,"  says  General  della 
Rocca,  "  rode  at  the  head  of  his  staff.  At  a  certain 
moment,  turning  to  the  side  where  the  group  of  ex- 
traordinary ambassadors  was,  he  saw  me  and  by  a  gest- 
ure invited  me  to  approach  him.  He  kept  me  beside 
him  nearly  all  the  time,  calling  my  attention  to  one 
regiment  and  another  in  such  a  way  that  the  spectators 
might  have  believed  that  the  review  was  given  in 
honor  of  the  representative  of  King  Victor  Em- 
manuel." 

So  then,  at  a  time  when  the  relations  between 
Paris  and  Turin  seemed  very  tenuous,  and  when  more 
than  one  diplomatist  fancied  that  Napoleon  III., 
irritated  against  the  revolutionary  agitations  of  Pied- 
mont, would  turn  towards  Austria,  the  taciturn  and 
mysterious  sovereign  was  clinging  more  fondly  than 
ever  to  his  dream  of  uniting  with  Victor  Emmanuel 
against  that  power.  At  a  period-  when  the  policy  of 
the  Sardinian  government  was  exciting  lively  appre- 
hensions in  official  circles,  the  Emperor,  while  seem- 
ing to  judge  the  cabinet  of  Turin  severely,  showed 
himself  most  courteous  and  attentive  to  the  fu'st 
aide-de-camp  of  the  King  and  secretly  approved  the 
tendencies  of  Count  Cavour. 

General  della  Rocca  says  again  :  "  Early  in  Febru- 
ary, an  invitation  to  dinner  was  sent  to  me  and  Count 
Robilant  from  the  Tuileries,  and,  at  the  same  time,  a 
letter  from  the  minister  of  the  Emperor's  household, 
saying  that  I  would  be  received  in  private  audience 


GENERAL  BELLA  ROCCA  263 

by  the  Emperor  the  same  evening.  An  hour  after 
the  official  dinner,  during  which  the  Emperor  wore 
the  broad  ribbon  of  the  Atinonciade^  and  at  which  the 
Marquis  de  Villamarina  and  I  occupied  the  places  of 
honor,  the  Emperor  invited  me  into  his  cabinet." 

Face  to  face  with  the  general,  the  Emperor  began 
by  saying  that  the  King's  letter  seemed  to  him  affec- 
tionate, and  that  in  reply  he  meant  to  vv^rite  to  him 
at  length.  He  then  talked  about  the  Ragione  news- 
paper which,  having  been  tried  as  guilty  of  apologiz- 
ing for  assassination,  had  just  been  acquitted,  and 
added  that  the  Piedmontese  code  was  insufficient  to 
prevent  the  excesses  of  the  press.  Then  he  said 
that  Piedmont  had  not  much  to  expect  from  England, 
while  all  its  interests  counselled  a  close  union  with 
France.  He  affirmed,  moreover,  that  he  Avas  very 
sure  of  his  army,  and  that  it  was  ready  to  march  with 
the  greatest  zeal  into  any  country  which  was  pointed 
out  to  it  as  a  refuge  of  assassins. 

"  During  this  first  private  audience  with  the  Em- 
peror," adds  General  della  Rocca,  "  the  Emperor  was 
as  courteous  to  me  personally  as  he  was  severe  with 
respect  to  my  government.  In  dismissing  me,  he 
invited  me  to  come  and  see  him  at  the  Tuileries 
whenever  I  desired  between  nine  and  ten  o'clock  in 
the  morning." 

On  learning  by  means  of  a  letter  from  General 
della  Rocca  the  details  of  the  private  interview  of 
February  5,  Victor  Emmanuel  was  at  first  disquieted, 
but  he  soon  became  reassured.     Several  men  devoted 


264        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

to  the  Italian  cause  were  among  the  Emperor's  close 
confidants,  notably  M.  Mocquart  and  Doctor  Con- 
neau,  who  were  much  more  conversant  than  his  min- 
isters with  his  projects.  Aii  ardent  Milanese  patriot, 
Count  Arese,  was  probably  his  best  friend.  Never- 
theless, the  emotion  produced  by  fear  of  the  Em- 
peror's displeasure  was  such  that  Count  Arese  himself 
did  not  venture  to  come  to  Paris,  dreading  to  find  him 
irritated  against  Piedmont.  Doctor  Conneau  wrote 
to  him,  January  29  :  "I  told  the  Empress  that  you 
asked  me  to  present  your  respects.  At  first  she 
thought  that  you  had  arrived  in  Paris,  and  was 
greatly  delighted.  When  I  told  her  what  prevented 
your  coming,  she  exclaimed  :  '  But  there  are  Italians 
and  Italians.  Happily  the  bad  ones  are  few.  I  love 
the  good  Arese  greatly.  Tell  him  I  hope  he  will 
come  here  to  spend  some  days  next  spring.  I  cannot 
show  him  a  houseful  of  children,  but  I  will  show  him 
a  sample  which  will  not  displease  him.'  I  give  you 
the  words  as  she  spoke  them  so  as  not  to  weaken  their 
importance." 

Honest  and  patriotic  Italians  were  doing  their 
utmost  to  repudiate  all  connection  with  a  handful  of 
assassins  who  excited  almost  universal  reprobation. 
The  wife  of  the  Sardinian  minister  at  Paris  remitted 
to  the  Empress  a  bouquet  made  at  Genoa,  and  sent 
to  the  sovereign  by  Piedmont,  together  with  some 
verses  by  the  poet  Proti.  When  he  had  another 
audience,  General  della  Rocca  found  the  Emperor 
quite  friendly  to  the  Piedmontese  government.     "  A 


GENERAL  BELLA   EOCCA  265 

letter  which  the  King  had  written  me,"  says  the 
general,  "  was  to  be  read  by  me  to  the  Emperor  of  my 
own  motion,  so  to  say,  giving  myself  meanwhile  the 
appearance  of  hesitating  and  almost  refusing  to  ac- 
quaint him  with  its  contents.  I  was  to  pretend  to 
be  acting  on  my  own  responsibility  and  to  be  going 
beyond  my  instructions."  This  little  comedy  suc- 
ceeded. 

At  the  end  of  his  letter,  Victor  Emmanuel  thus 
expressed  himself  :  "  According  to  what  I  have  just 
said  to  you,  my  dear  La  Rocca,  the  Emperor  ought 
to  be  well  persuaded  of  my  good  intentions,  and  to 
see  that  things  had  been  done  even  before  he  de- 
manded them.  If  he  wishes  me  to  resort  to  violent 
measures  here,  let  him  know  that  I  would  lose  all 
my  influence.  ...  If  the  words  you  have  sent  me 
are  literallj^  those  of  the  Emperor,  tell  him,  in  the 
best  words  you  can  find,  that  a  faithful  ally  is  not 
treated  in  this  way,  that  I  have  never  permitted  vio- 
lence fi-om  any  one,  that  I  always  pursue  the  path  of 
stainless  honor,  and  that,  for  this  honor,  I  answer 
only  to  God  and  my  people  ;  that  we  have  held  our 
heads  high  for  eight  hundred  and  fifty  years  and  that 
nobody  will  make  me  lower  mine,  and,  with  all  that, 
I  yet  desire  nothing  but  to  be  his  friend." 

After  listening  to  the  last  phrase.  Napoleon  III. 
exclaimed  :  "  That  is  what  is  called  having  courage. 
Your  king  is  a  brave  man,  I  like  his  answer.  He 
shows  himself  under  these  circumstances  to  be  jast 
what  I  supposed  him  in  1855.     It  pleases  me  to  scf 


266        TUE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

once  more  that  Victor  Emmanuel  is  somebody.  .  .  . 
I  am  sure  we  shall  understand  each  other.  Write 
to  him  at  once  ;  tranquillize  him  concerning  my 
intentions  ;  express  my  regret  for  having  pained 
him.  ...  I  love  Italy,  and  I  will  never  be  Austria's 
ally  against  her.  My  antecedents  ought  to  reassure 
you.  And  if  I  had  occupied  in  1849  the  place  I 
occupy  at  present,  I  should  certainly  have  gone  to 
the  assistance  of  Charles  Albert." 

Prince  de  La  Tour  dMuvergne  wrote  to  Count 
Walewski  :  "  Turin,  February  16,  1858.  I  had  the 
honor  to  see  the  King  yesterday  morning.  His 
Majesty  told  me  he  had  just  received  a  perfectly  sat- 
isfactory letter  from  General  della  Rocca,  and  that 
the  assurances  of  friendship  and  good-will  which  the 
Emperor  had  charged  the  general  to  convey  to  him 
had  completely  effaced  the  impression  which  General 
della  Rocca's  first  report  had  caused. 

"Turin,  February  19.  The  Chamber  of  Deputies 
resumed  its  public  sessions  yesterday.  The  govern- 
ment availed  itself  of  the  occasion  to  propose  the 
project  of  a  law  modifying  the  composition  of  juries, 
and  establishing  in  a  more  precise  manner  in  what 
the  apology  for  assassination  consists.  They  say  the 
law  will  pass  b}^  a  sufficiently  strong  majority.  The 
extreme  right  and  the  extreme  left  will  be  the  only 
parties  to  make  a  lively  opposition.  As  to  the  left 
centre,  it  seems  most  eager  to  seize  this  occasion  to 
manifest  its  sympathies  with  France." 

On  the  whole,  General  della  Rocca  had  completely 


*-».?^ 


VICTOR  EMMANUEL 
King  of  Sardinia 


GENERAL  BELLA   ROCCA  267 

succeeded  in  his  mission.  He  deserved  the  eulogies 
of  his  sovereign,  who  said  to  him  in  a  cordial  letter  : 
"  I  embrace  and  thank  you  with  all  my  heart.  You 
have  rendered  me  a  great  service,  and  got  out  of  the 
scrape  wonderfully  well,  better  than  a  diplomatist." 

February  20,  the  general  was  received  for  the  last 
time  in  private  audience  by  the  Emperor,  who  let  him 
clearly  understand,  and  even  authorized  him  to  say 
to  the  King,  in  a  confidential  but  positive  way,  that 
in  case  of  war  by  Piedmont  against  Austria,  he  would 
come  with  his  faithful  army  to  fight  beside  his  faith- 
ful ally,  Victor  Emmanuel.  "Say  also  to  M.  Cavour," 
added  Napoleon  III.,  "  that  he  ought  to  put  himself 
in  direct  correspondence  with  me,  and  that  we  should 
certainly  understand  each  other." 

The  general  terminates  as  follows  the  account  of 
his  final  audience  :  "So  then  I  had  been  a  skilled 
diplomatist  without  knowing  it,  and  I  still  rejoice 
at  it,  more  on  account  of  the  results  obtained  than 
on  my  own.  Respect  for  truth  obliges  me  to  say 
that  the  good  star  which  has  guided  me  in  the  serious 
circumstances  of  my  life  so  arranged  that  at  the  very 
time  of  my  sojourn  in  Paris,  and  when  Napoleon  III. 
was  showing  himself  more  friendly  towards  us,  he 
received  through  M.  Piétri,  prefect  of  police,  a  letter 
which  Orsini  had  written  him  from  his  prison,  in 
which  the  conspirator  repeated  to  the  Emperor  what 
I  had  been  obliged  to  tell  him,  namely,  that  the 
Italians  had  taken  the  firm  resolution  not  to  endure 
Austrian  domination  any  longer.     This  letter  must 


268        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

have  affected  the  Emperor  deeply,  and  reminded  him 
of  his  early  years,  when  he  and  his  brother  had  like- 
wise conspired  for  the  deliverance  of  Italy.  Ripe 
reflection  made  him  see  that  an  alliance  with  Pied- 
mont might  be  advantageous  to  France  and  to  his 
dynasty,  and  he  unhesitatingly  resolved  to  act  in  our 
favor." 

The  war  with  Italy  was  decided  on. 


CHAPTER   XXXII 

THE   OESINI  TRIAL 

TpEBRUARY  25,  the  assizes  court  of  the  Seine 
assembled  under  the  jurisdiction  of  first  presi- 
dent Delangle  to  try  Orsini  and  his  three  accom- 
plices. The  act  of  accusation,  drawn  up  and  read 
by  Attorney  General  Chaix  d'Est-Ange,  produced 
very  little  impression  ;  it  merely  stated  facts  already 
known.  Then  followed  the  interrogatories.  Gomez, 
whose  only  concern  was  to  save  his  own  head,  stam- 
mered out  some  humble  explanations,  and  declared 
his  repentance.  "I  was  M.  Orsini's  servant,"  said 
he,  "  and  I  obeyed  his  orders." 

Rudio  alleged  as  his  excuses  the  fear  with  which 
his  accomplices  inspired  him  and  his  extreme  pov- 
erty. "  At  London,"  said  he,  "  in  1856,  I  had  been 
offended  because  I  was  suspected  of  being  an  informer 
of  the  French  government,  so  I  was  obliged  to  go 
to  extremes  ;  I  sacrificed  myself  to  vanity  so  as  not 
to  be  called  a  traitor."  As  he  owned  up  to  the 
money  he  had  received  from  Orsini,  President  De- 
langle said  to  him  :  "  So  you  belong  to  an  honorable 
family  which  has  held  a  considerable  rank.  You 
voluntarily  quitted  the  cadet  school  at  Milan,  you 

269 


270        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

shirked  labor,  j^ou  threw  yourself  into  revolutionary 
movements,  and  gradually  you  have  become  an 
assassin,  a  mercenary  assassin  for  three  hundred  and 
thirty  francs  which  have  been  given  you,  and  twelve 
shillings  a  week  which  have  been  promised  to  your 
wife." 

Fieri  got  off  a  series  of  unlikely  lies  and  the- 
atrical declamations,  which  produced  no  effect  what- 
ever. 

The  only  striking  interrogatory  was  that  of  Orsini. 
"  It  was  in  the  course  of  last  year,"  said  he,  "  that 
Fieri  and  I  began  talking  of  the  plan  put  into  exe- 
cution on  January  14.  We  were  convinced  that  the 
surest  way  to  make  a  revolution  in  Italy  was  to  pro- 
duce one  in  France,  and  that  the  surest  way  to  do 
that  was  to  kill  the  Emperor."  He  then  went  into 
the  most  precise  details  concerning  the  preparations 
for  and  the  execution  of  the  attempt.  "  I  loaded 
the  bombs  myself  in  my  room  on  rue  Mont-Thabor. 
I  had  to  dry  the  powder  mj^self,  watch  and  thermom- 
eter in  hand,  before  the  fire  ;  if  a  spark  had  fallen  on 
it,  I  should  have  been  blown  up,  with  all  in  the  house." 
After  the  accused  had  coolly  described  all  the  scenes 
of  the  crime,  this  dialogue  took  place  between  Fresi- 
dent  Delangle  and  him  :  — 

The  President.  —  What  co-operation  did  3'ou  count 
upon  in  Faris  in  case  your  abominable  attempt  had 
succeeded? 

Ornni.  —  I  said  to  myself:  When  something  hap- 
pens at  Faris,  that  will  probably  destroy  the  system 


THE  ORSINI   TRIAL  271 

pursued  in  France  in  reference  to  Italy,  and  doubt- 
less bring  about  an  insurrection  in  my  country. 

The  President.  —  And  was  it  in  hope  of  an  insur- 
rection in  Italy,  and  to  restore  to  her  the  liberty  of 
1849,  that  you  became  an  assassin  in  France? 

Orsiyii.  —  I  wished  to  give  Italy  independence  ; 
for  no  liberty  is  possible  without  independence.  I 
have  written  in  this  sense  to  M.  Cavour.  He  has 
not   answered  me. 

TJie  President.  —  You  wished,  I  repeat,  to  give  Italy 
the  liberty  she  had  in  1849,  the  liberty  of  the  trium- 
virs with  murder  and  robbery.  And  you  did  not 
recoil  before  the  frightful  disasters  your  crime  would 
have  entailed.     Sit  down. 

The  witnesses  were  then  heard,  but  they  disclosed 
no  new  facts. 

The  second  and  last  hearing  took  place  Feb- 
ruary 26.  The  Attorney  General,  M.  Chaix  d'Est- 
Ange,  made  a  long  charge  which  ended  as  follows: 
"  France  and  the  world  have  been  miraculously 
saved.  Providence  has  protected  the  Emperor,  the 
Emperor  whose  courage  and  confidence  had  not  dis- 
armed the  arms  of  the  murderers  !  On  the  very  scene 
of  the  outrage,  amidst  the  carnage,  when  the  victims 
were  stretched  upon  the  pavement,  a  universal  cry 
proceeded  from  the  crowd.  Presently  that  grand 
acclamation  came  nearer;  it  is  sounding  still,  and 
the  bell  of  the  Te  Deums  is  yet  ringing  in  our  ears. 
There  was  no  one  who  did  not  comprehend  that  the 
world  was  saved. 


272        TUE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

"I  mistake,  and  I  ask  pardon  for  my  words.  No, 
the  efforts  of  the  assassins  would  have  been  power- 
less. Providence  protects  the  Emperor,  and  had 
they  cast  him  under  their  feet,  they  would  not 
have  slain  with  him  the  order  and  the  institutions 
he  has  founded.     Institutions  remain. 

"Mourning  France  would  have  risen  as  one  man 
in  the  name  of  the  heir  of  the  throne.  The  Emperor 
may  perish;  his  name  and  his  race  will  survive  !  " 

After  a  recess  of  twenty  minutes,  M.  Jules  Favre, 
Orsini's  advocate,  began  his  plea  as  follows  :  "  Gen- 
tlemen of  the  jury.  Would  that  I  might  for  an 
instant  banish  from  my  mind  the  painful  emotions 
which  besiege  it,  in  order  to  render  a  public  and  sin- 
cere token  of  admiration  to  the  eminent  orator  you 
have  just  listened  to.  He  has  long  given  lustre  to 
our  order,  where  his  place  remains  empty,  where  the 
memory  of  his  person  will  remain  loved  and  glorious. 
He  must  necessarily  add  brilliancy  to  the  functions 
he  has  accepted,  and  which  must  borrow  new  author- 
ity from  the  prestige  of  his  words." 

After  this  eulogy  of  his  former  confrère,  now 
Attorney  General  of  the  Empire,  the  republican 
advocate  sought  to  represent  the  outrage  as  a  purely 
political  crime:  "The  true  day  of  justice,"  said  he, 
"  is  that  on  which  the  accused  appears  before  you  ; 
it  is  there  that  he  brings  his  last  word,  his  last  ex- 
planations, his  justification  and  his  defence.  Listen, 
then,  to  the  accused,  and  say  whether  his  words  are 
those  of  boasting  or  of  weakness." 


THE  OBSINI  TRIAL  273 

Great  was  the  surprise  of  the  audience  when 
Jules  Favre  added:  "Hold,  he  has  left  his  last 
testament,  his  prayer,  in  a  writing  addressed  to  the 
Emperor  from  his  prison,  a  writing  which  I  am  about 
to  read  to  you,  after  obtaining  permission  to  do  so 
from  him  to  whom  it  was  addressed.  It  is  thus  ex- 
pressed:— 

"  '  To  Napoleon  III.,  Emperor  of  the  French  :  — 

"  '  The  evidence  I  have  given  against  myself  is  suf- 
ficient to  send  me  to  death,  and  I  shall  submit  to  it 
without  asking  pardon,  as  much  because  I  will  never 
humble  myself  before  him  who  has  killed  the  nas- 
cent liberty  of  my  unhappy  country,  as  because,  in 
my  situation,  death  is  a  benefit. 

"  '  Near  the  close  of  my  career,  I  nevertheless  wish 
to  make  another  effort  in  aid  of  Italy,  whose  inde- 
pendence has  made  me,  up  to  this  day,  brave  all 
dangers  and  anticipate  all  sacrifices.  It  is  the  object 
of  all  my  affections,  and  it  is  this  final  thought  which 
I  wish  to  embody  in  the  words  I  address  to  Your 
Majesty. 

"  '  To  maintain  the  existing  equilibrium  of  Europe, 
either  Italy  must  be  made  independent,  or  the  chains 
in  which  Austria  holds  her  must  be  tightened.  Do 
I  ask  that  the  blood  of  Frenchmen  shall  be  shed  for 
Italians  to  accomplish  this  deliverance?  No,  I  do 
not  go  so  far  as  that.  Italy  demands  that  France 
shall  not  intervene  against  her;  she  demands  that 
France  shall  not  permit  Germany  to  support  Austria 


274        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

in  the  struggles  soon  to  break  out.  Now,  this  is 
precisely  what  Your  Majesty  can  do  if  so  disposed. 
On  your  will  depends  the  welfare  or  the  misfortunes 
of  my  country,  the  life  or  death  of  a  nation  to  which 
Europe  owes  in  great  part  her  civilization. 

"  '  Such  is  the  prayer  which  I  dare  address  to 
Your  Majesty  from  my  dungeon,  not  despairing  lest 
my  feeble  voice  should  not  be  heard.  I  adjure 
Your  Majesty  to  restore  to  my  country  the  indepen- 
dence which  her  children  lost  in  1849  by  the  fault  of 
Frenchmen  themselves. 

"  'Let  Your  Majesty  remember  that  Italians,  among 
them  my  father,  gladly  shed  their  blood  for  Napo- 
leon the  Great,  wherever  he  chose  to  lead  them  ; 
remember  that  they  were  faithful  to  him  up  to  his 
fall  ;  and  that  so  long  as  Italy  is  not  independent, 
the  tranquillity  of  Europe  as  well  as  that  of  Your 
Majesty  is  only  a  chimera.  Let  not  Your  Majesty 
repel  the  last  cry  of  a  patriot  on  the  steps  of  the 
scaffold  ;  deliver  my  country,  and  the  benedictions 
of  twenty-five  millions  of  citizens  will  follow  you  in 
posterity. 

"  '  From  the  prison  of  Mazas. 

"'Signed:  Felix  Oesini. 

'"February  11,  1858.'" 

As  an  orator,  Jules  Favre  was  a  bit  of  a  tragedian. 
There  was  something  strange  and  lugubrious  in  his 
eloquence.  In  listening  to  his  sombre,  grave,  pa- 
thetic voice,  one  felt  a  presentiment  that  his  name 


TEE  OESINI  TRIAL  275 

would  be  blended  with  the  agonizing  hours  of  our 
history.  When  it  expressed  sinister  ideas,  as  in  the 
Orsini  trial,  this  powerful  voice,  broken  by  a  sort  of 
hiccough  which  resembled  a  sob  or  a  death  rattle, 
made  one  shudder.  One  seemed  to  see  the  scaffold 
already  rising  for  the  accused,  of  whom  the  orator 
was  trying  to  make  a  martyr.  After  reading  what 
he  called  his  client's  last  will,  "Orsini,"  said  he, 
"has  bowed  before  God,  comprehending  that  His 
decrees  condemned  his  enterprise.  To-day  he  is 
about  to  die.  From  the  border  of  his  grave  he  ad- 
dresses him  against  whom  he  feels  no  hatred,  him 
who  may  be  the  saviour  of  his  country,  and  says  to 
him  :  '  Prince,  you  glory  in  having  sprung  from  the 
entrails  of  the  people,  from  universal  suffrage  ;  well, 
then,  resume  the  ideas  of  your  glorious  predecessor  ; 
Prince,  heed  not  the  flatterers,  be  great  and  mag- 
nanimous, and  you  will  be  invulnerable.'  " 

The  defence  terminated  in  these  words,  which 
transformed  it  into  a  sort  of  funeral  oration  :  "  You 
have  no  need,  gentlemen  of  the  jury,  of  the  adjura- 
tions of  the  Attorney  General;  you  will  do  your 
duty  without  feebleness  or  passion.  But  God  who 
is  above  us,  God  before  whom  the  accused  and  their 
judges  will  appear,  God  who  will  judge  us  all,  God 
who  will  measure  the  extent  of  our  faults,  God 
will  pronounce  on  this  man  also,  and  will  perhaps 
grant  him  a  pardon  which  earthly  judges  would  have 
believed  impossible." 

Three  advocates,  Nogent  Saint-Laurens,   Nicolet, 


276        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

and  Mathieu,  afterwards  pleaded,  the  first  for  Fieri, 
the  second  for  Gomez,  the  third  for  Rudio.  Sen- 
tence was  then  pronounced.  Orsini,  Fieri,  and 
Rudio  were  condemned  to  the  penalty  of  parricides, 
Gomez  to  compulsory  labor  for  life. 

It  has  been  said  that  Napoleon  III.  would  have 
much  preferred  to  spare  the  lives  of  all  the  prisoners, 
but  was  prevented  by  his  ministers.  For  Rudio 
alone  the  death  penalty  was  changed  to  compulsory 
labor  for  life.  It  has  also  been  claimed  that  the 
Emperor  saw  Orsini  mysteriously  in  his  prison  ;  but 
we  have  found  it  impossible  to  verify  the  exactness  of 
this  assertion,  which  is  also  improbable.  What  seems 
certain  is  that  the  prefect  of  police,  M.  Fietii,  had  an 
interview  with  the  condemned,  in  which  he  revealed 
to  him  the  intentions  of  Napoleon  III.  with  regard 
to  Italy,  and  the  folly  there  would  have  been  in 
causing  the  disappearance  of  the  only  man  who  had 
the  power  and  the  wall  to  liberate  her. 

March  9,  four  days  before  ascending  the  scaffold, 
Orsini,  then  in  the  Roquette  prison,  vestibule  of  the 
guillotine,  addressed  the  Emperor  in  a  second  letter 
still  more  solemn  than  the  first.  He  said  in  it; 
"  The  sentiments  of  Your  Majesty  towards  Italy  are 
no  slight  consolation  for  me  at  the  moment  of  death. 
Soon  I  shall  be  no  more.  Before  rendering  my  last 
vital  breath  I  declare  that  assassination,  no  matter 
under  what  pretext  it  may  veil  itself,  does  not  enter 
into  my  principles,  even  though,  by  a  fatal  aberration 
of  mind,  I  organized  the  attempt  of  January  14.     But 


THE  ORSINI  TRIAL  277 

assassination  was  never  my  system,  and  I  have  con- 
tended against  it,  at  the  peril  of  my  life,  by  my 
writings  and  by  my  political  life.  Let  my  compa- 
triots, instead  of  relying  upon  assassination  as  a 
means,  learn  from  the  mouth  of  a  patriot  about  to 
die  that  their  abnegation,  their  devotion,  their 
union,  their  virtue  alone,  can  assure  the  deliverance 
of  Italy,  render  her  free,  independent,  and  worthy 
of  the  glory  of  their  sires.  I  am  going  to  die  calmly, 
and  I  desire  that  no  stain  shall  sully  my  memory. 
As  to  the  victims  of  January  14,  I  offer  them  my 
blood  in  sacrifice,  and  I  beg  that  Italians,  once  be- 
come independent,  may  some  day  indemnify  those 
who  have  suffered.  Your  Majesty  will  permit  me, 
in  closing,  to  beg  the  grace  of  life,  not  for  mj'self, 
but  for  those  of  my  accomplices  who  have  been  con- 
demned to  death." 

The  execution  of  Orsini  and  of  Fieri  took  place 
March  13,  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning.  An 
hour  and  a  half  earlier,  the  condemned  had  been 
notified  that  their  appeal  for  mercy  had  been  re- 
jected by  the  Court  of  Cassation.  They  were  assisted 
in  their  last  moments  by  two  chaplains,  Abbé  Hugon 
and  Abbé  Rottelet.  M.  Maxime  du  Camp,  who 
witnessed  the  proceedings,  described  them  as  follows 
to  Marquis  de  Laborde  :  Orsini  retained  his  air  of 
haughty  elegance.  Fieri  appeared  rather  as  a  man 
of  the  people.  Both  had  to  undergo  the  penalty  of 
parricides,  and  as  such  they  were  led  to  the  place 
of  punishment  in  their  shirts,  with   bare   feet,  and 


278        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

heads  covered  with  black  veils.  When  Pieri's  shoes 
were  taken  off,  "  If  I  had  known,"  said  he,  "  I  would 
have  washed  my  feet."  The  scaffold  was  erected  on 
Roquette  Place.  The  two  Italians  climbed  its  steps 
with  firmness.  The  crowd,  so  often  jeering  and 
ignoble  at  such  spectacles,  was  this  time  thought- 
ful and  silent;  it  seemed  to  be  wondering  whether 
great  events  would  not  soon  be  the  consequence  of 
this  execution.  Before  laying  his  head  under  the 
knife  of  the  guillotine,  Orsini  cried  in  a  strong  and 
vibrating  voice:  "  Long  live  Italy  !  "  They  were  his 
last  words. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII 

GENERAL  ESPINASSE 

r  1 1HE  appointment  of  a  military  man  as  Minister  of 
-*-  the  Interior  and  the  presentation  of  a  draconian 
law  such  as  that  of  general  safety,  prove  the  trouble 
and  consternation  caused  by  the  Orsini  outrage  in 
official  circles.  Since  the  explosion  of  the  infernal 
machine  under  the  Consulate  and  that  of  Fieschi 
under  the  reign  of  Louis  Philippe,  no  such  panic  had 
been  seen.  One  would  have  said  the  ground  was 
trembling  under  the  Emperor's  tread,  and  that  a  black 
veil,  covered  with  blood,  had  suddenly  overspread 
the  prosperity  of  his  reign.  His  court,  so  joyous  and 
brilliant,  felt  paralyzed,  and  sought  by  a  rigorous 
policy  to  ward  against  the  dangers  which  seemed  to 
threaten  it. 

February  7, 1858,  General  Espinasse  was  appointed 
Minister  of  the  Interior  as  successor  to  M.  Billault, 
and  to  this  title  was  added  that  of  ''Minister  of 
General  Safety."  This  appellation  was  sufficient  to 
indicate  the  part  assigned  him. 

General  Espinasse  was  forty-two  years  old.  Born 
April  2,  1815,  at  Saissac  in  the  department  of  the 
Aude,  he  entered  the  military  school  of  Saint-Cyr  in 

279 


280        THE  COURT  OF  TUE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

1833.  After  gaining  his  first  promotions  in  Algeria, 
lie  commanded  in  1849  the  42d  of  the  line  at  the 
time  of  the  siege  of  Rome.  General  de  Saint-Ar- 
naud, under  whom  he  made  in  1851  the  campaign  of 
Kabylia,  summoned  him  to  Paris  to  take  part  in  the 
coup  d'État,  and  it  was  he  who  occupied  the  Palais 
Bourbon  in  the  night  of  December  1-2.  General  of 
brigade  in  1852,  aide-de-camp  of  the  Emperor,  com- 
mander in  1854  of  a  brigade  of  the  army  of  the 
Orient,  he  merited  by  his  bravery  and  his  military 
talents  in  the  Crimea  the  rank  of  general  of  division. 
He  notably  distinguished  himself  at  the  battle  of 
Traktir  and  the  assault  of  the  Malakoff.  He  was  one 
of  the  youngest  and  most  brilliant  of  French  generals. 

The  court  desired  the  new  Minister  of  the  Interior 
to  have  a  hand  of  iron,  but  was  not  careful  about  the 
velvet  glove.  The  Emperor  wrote  him  in  a  private 
letter  :  "  The  body  social  is  gnawed  by  a  sort  of  ver- 
min of  which  it  is  necessary  to  get  rid  at  any  cost. 
There  are  also  prefects  who  must  be  displaced  in  spite 
of  their  protectors.  For  this  I  rely  upon  your  zeal. 
Do  not  seek  by  an  inordinate  moderation  to  reassure 
those  who  have  been  alarmed  by  your  accession  to  the 
ministry.  They  must  fear  you,  otherwise  your  ap- 
pointment would  have  no  excuse  for  being." 

On  his  side,  the  Minister  General  formulated  his 
programme  as  follows  in  a  letter  addressed  to  his 
sovereign  :  "  If  between  1848  and  1851  all  social  in- 
stitutions had  not  incurred  unequalled  peril,  you 
would  be  simply  an  ambitious  vulgarian  who  had  ex- 


GENERAL  E8PINASSE  281 

ploited  to  his  ov/n  advantage  certain  evanescent  trou- 
bles. If  the  country  has  seen  and  proclaimed  in  you 
its  saviour,  it  is  because  that  peril  was  immense  and 
of  such  a  character  that  six  years  are  altogether  too 
short  a  time  in  which  to  dispel  it.  France  knows  it, 
and  France  desires  what  she  desired  in  1851.  ...  A 
universal  cry  has  gone  up  towards  you,  a  cry  which 
it  is  only  just  to  translate  by  these  words  :  '  Guaran- 
tee to  us  once  more  the  order  of  which  you  have 
made  yourself  the  exponent  and  arbiter  ;  since  the 
same  danger  threatens  us,  be  what  you  already  have 
been  to  avert  it  from  our  heads.'  " 

In  his  circular  to  the  prefects,  General  Espiuasse 
declared  that  France,  tranquil  and  glorious,  had  re- 
lied too  far  on  the  soothing  of  anarchical  passions, 
that  the  Emperor's  generosity  had  nourished  this 
hope  by  multiplying  pardons  and  amnesties  ;  but  that 
in  the  end  an  execrable  outrage  had  opened  all  eyes 
and  revealed  the  savage  resentments,  the  culpable  at- 
tempts still  cherished  by  the  revolutionary  party. 
The  conclusion  arrived  at  by  the  general  was  that  it 
was  necessary  to  give  France  by  an  attentive  surveil- 
lance the  guarantees  which  she  required,  and  the  cir- 
cular terminated  by  the  old  formula  of  the  coup 
d'Etat  :  "  It  is  time  that  the  good  should  be  reassured 
and  the  wicked  made  to  tremble." 

It  was  not  merely  in  the  interior  that  the  situation 
was  growing  gloomy.  The  relations  between  France 
and  England  had  begun  to  be  disturbed.  At  the 
end  of  January  the  Moniteur  had  inserted  several  ad- 


282        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

dresses  signed  by  colonels  on  behalf  of  their  regiments, 
to  protest  against  the  Orsini  outrage.  Most  of  these 
addresses  were  irreproachable.  The  signers  confined 
themselves  to  assuring  Napoleon  III.  of  their  loyalty, 
and  to  declaring  that  if  he  liad  fallen  under  the  blows 
of  assassins  the  entire  army  would  have  risen  as  one 
man  to  defend  the  throne  of  Napoleon  IV.  But,  in 
addition  to  this  correct  language,  there  were  in  some 
of  them  insults  and  violent  threats  against  England 
which  the  Moniteur  published  without  reflecting  on 
their  consequences.  That  of  the  39^7i  of  the  line, 
Colonel  Hardy,  contained  this  phrase:  "In  our 
manly  hearts,  indignation  against  the  perverse,  suc- 
ceeding to  our  gratitude  towards  God,  inclines  us  to 
demand  an  account  from  the  land  of  impunity  where 
lies  the  den  of  the  monsters  who  shelter  themselves 
beneath  its  laws.  Give  the  order.  Sire,  and  we  will 
pursue  them  into  their  safe  hiding  places." 

The  5th  7'cgiment  of  mounted  chasseurs,  Colonel 
Cassaignoles  :  "  For  the  second  time,  the  life  of  Your 
Majesty,  so  dear  to  the  armj^,  so  precious,  so  indis- 
pensable to  the  peace  and  welfare  of  all  Europe,  has 
been  imperilled  by  foreign  hands.  Odious  assassins, 
miserable  instruments  directed  by  the  enemies  of 
society  !  .  .  .  Those  enemies  are  beyond  our  reach  ; 
but,  if  our  arms  are  paralyzed,  Your  Majesty's  will 
and  that  of  France  could  destroy  these  lairs  of 
abominable  conspirators." 

The  22d  of  the  line,  Colonel  Mattat  :  "  We  would 
not  express  our  entire  mind  if  we  omitted  to  say  we 


GENERAL   ESPINASSE  283 

think  it  monstrous  that  demagogues  of  the  worst  kind 
can  find  anywhere  in  the  world  a  refuge  where  they 
are  permitted  peacefully  to  regulate  the  assassination 
of  sovereigns  and  the  overthrow  of  peoples.  In  France 
as  elsewhere,  the  law  cannot  remain  powerless.  To 
conceal  nothing,  in  short,  it  seems  impossible  to  con- 
sider as  friends  governments  capable  of  giving  asylum 
to  bandits  to  whom  the  proclamation  of  regicide  is 
permitted  with  impunity,  and  who  end  by  hurling 
defiance  at  honesty  and  civilization  by  massacres  like 
that  of  the  rue  Le  Peletier." 

These  addresses  exasperated  British  pride  and  sus- 
ceptibility to  such  a  point  that  for  an  instant  a  rupt- 
ure seemed  imminent  between  France  and  England. 

At  the  same  time,  the  law  of  general  security 
produced  a  very  lively  sensation.  It  had  been  pre- 
sented to  the  Corps  Législatif  on  February  1.  Its 
eight  articles  resulted  in  a  provision  conferring  on 
government  a  vague  and  formidable  right  to  proscribe 
its  enemies  without  a  trial,  either  by  expelling  them 
from  its  territory,  or  by  interning  them  in  France  or 
Algeria.  Here  is  the  list  of  those  for  whom  adminis- 
trative good  pleasure  was  to  take  the  place  of  all 
judicial  guarantees  :  all  men  who  in  May  and  June, 
1848,  in  June,  1849,  or  in  December,  1851,  had  been 
either  condemned,  interned,  expelled,  or  transported 
as  a  measure  of  security  ;  all  who  should  have  been 
condemned  for  outrages  against  the  Emperor  or  the 
imperial  family,  for  conspiracy  tending  to  disturb  the 
State   by  civil  war,  for  the  illegal  employment  of 


284        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

armed  force,  for  devastation  and  public  pillage,  for 
fabrication  of  false  passports  ;  all  who  had  been 
guilty  of  less  well  defined  offences  ;  rebellion,  even 
unarmed,  providing  it  were  by  bands,  provocation  to 
disobedience  to  military  men,  the  making  or  even  the 
simple  keeping  of  arms  and  munitions  of  war,  any 
sort  of  participation  in  insurrectionary  movements. 
Moreover,  the  law  created  several  new  offences,  nota- 
bly that  of  manoeuvres  at  home  or  abroad  with  intent 
to  trouble  public  peace,  and  that  of  holding  up  the 
Emperor's  government  to  hatred  or  contempt. 

In  the  liberal  party  there  was  a  movement  of 
unanimous  reprobation  against  such  a  project.  It 
was  characterized  as  a  law  of  suspects.  ]M.  Alfred 
Darimon,  in  a  note  requested  from  him  by  Prince 
Napoleon  with  intent  to  place  it  before  the  eyes  of 
the  Emperor,  wrote  as  follows  towards  the  end  of 
March  :  "  On  the  morrow  of  the  outrage,  astonished 
Europe  is  told  that  the  Empire  is  undermined  at  its 
foundations,  that  it  is  surrounded  by  conspiracies, 
that  it  is  menaced  by  secret  societies,  that  if  recourse 
is  not  had  to  measures  which  permit  the  government 
to  do  what  it  pleases  with  a  certain  category  of  citi- 
zens, all  is  up  with  it.  In  other  words,  it  has  just 
been  proclaimed  that  seven  years  of  a  glorious  policy 
have  been  useless,  that  all  must  be  begun  over  again, 
even  the  coup  d'État.  Parties  were  dead,  they  are 
resuscitated;  they  came  to  the  Empire,  they  are 
repelled." 

To  strike  Frenchmen  in  order  to  punish  a  crime 


GENERAL  ESPINASSE  285 

committed  exclusively  by  Italians  for  an  Italian  ob- 
ject, seemed  neither  just  nor  logical.  The  Corps 
Législatif,  in  spite  of  its  habitual  docility,  showed  a 
significant  aversion  against  the  project.  The  gov- 
ernment sought  to  allay  scruples  by  publishing  in 
the  Moniteur  of  February  13  a  note  stating  that  the 
new  measures  were  a  part  of  an  aggregate  plan  long 
ago  resolved  upon,  that  the  appointment  of  General 
Espinasse  to  the  Ministry  of  the  Interior  in  no  way 
modified  the  imperial  policy,  and  that  the  law  of  gen- 
eral security  would,  moreover,  be  applied  with  mod- 
eration. 

The  committee  elected  by  the  Corps  Législatif 
to  examine  the  projected  law,  selected  Count  de 
Morny  to  draw  up  its  report.  The  latter,  always 
skilful  in  evading  difficulties,  declared  in  his  report 
that  those  who  did  not  conspire  had  nothing  to  fear 
from  a  law  aimed  neither  at  legitimists,  Orleanists, 
nor  even  at  moderate  republicans.  The  government 
would  respect  all  their  memories,  all  their  hopes,  and 
would  hold  none  responsible  but  demagogues  and  the 
instigators  of  conspiracies.  M.  de  Morny  added  that 
the  new  state  of  things  would  be  transitory,  and  that 
the  intervention  of  high  functionaries  would  prevent 
all  contempt  or  intemperate  severity. 

The  debates  opened,  February  18,  before  an  audi- 
ence much  larger  than  usual.  M.  Emile  Ollivier  de- 
livered a  superb  speech  against  the  proposed  law. 
"I  wish,"  said  he,  "to  show  myself,  not  a  man  of 
party,  but  an  honest  man  ;  I  have  but  one  object,  that 


286     THE  COURT  of  the  second  empire 

of  paying  homage  to  justice."  The  eloquent  orator 
thus  closed  a  discourse  which  produced  a  great  im- 
pression :  "  The  law  ought  to  be  rejected,  not  through 
a  spirit  of  paltry  opposition,  but  tlirough  wisdom, 
even  through  devotion  to  the  sovereign,  and  to  point 
out  the  true  path  which  should  inaugurate  the  policy 
of  the  future." 

After  two  days'  discussion  the  project  was  adopted. 
There  were  but  twenty-four  deputies  who  voted 
against  it.  In  the  Senate  the  law  encountered  but 
one  opposing  voice.  "  But  that  voice,"  M.  Darimon 
has  said  in  his  remarkable  work  entitled,  Histoire  de 
douze  ans,  "  that  voice  was  worth  a  thousand  :  it  was 
that  of  General  de  MacMahon.  The  sessions  of  the 
Senate,  not  being  public,  the  general's  discourse  was 
known  only  to  a  very  small  number  of  persons. 
Foreign  journals  tried  to  introduce  it  into  France, 
but  they  were  intercepted  at  the  frontier.  If  this 
speech  had  become  widely  known,  it  would  have  pro- 
duced considerable  effect  on  public  opinion." 

In  virtue  of  the  new  law,  four  hundred  persons  were 
arrested  and  three  hundred  of  them  transported  to 
Algeria.  "  This  execution  accomplished,"  says  M.  de 
La  Gorce  in  his  Histoire  du  Second  Empire,  "  the  gov- 
ernment, whether  through  a  recovery  of  sang-froid^ 
through  moderation  or  repentance,  refused  to  push 
any  further  so  unexpected  and  inopportune  a  repeti- 
tion of  the  coup  d'Etaty  jNIarch  25,  the  3Ioniteur 
announced  that  the  end  proposed  had  been  attained, 
and  that  even  those  who  found  themselves  under  the 


GENERAL   ESPINASSE  287 

stroke  of  governmental  severity  had  nothing  to  fear 
if  they  did  not  render  themselves  guilty  of  new 
deeds.  The  law  of  general  security  remained  like  a 
sword  of  Damocles,  but  it  almost  never  fell. 

Napoleon  III.  Avas  hesitating  between  two  paths: 
that  which  led  to  reaction,  and  that  whose  end  was 
the  coronation  of  the  imperial  edifice  by  liberty. 
The  rigorous  policy  and  the  policy  of  pacification 
each  had  partisans  among  the  advisers  of  the  sover- 
eign. General  Espinasse  represented  the  former, 
which  was  opposed  by  Prince  Napoleon.  Wishing  to 
justify  his  programme,  the  general  minister  addressed 
a  note  to  the  Emperor  which,  after  the  4th  of  Sep- 
tember, was  found  among  the  papers  of  the  Tuileries. 
"  Of  two  things  one,"  said  he  in  this  note  ;  "  either 
Your  ]\Iajesty  wishes  to  modify  your  system,  give 
the  lie  to  your  antecedents,  cease,  as  I  think,  to 
respond  to  the  wishes  and  most  imperative  needs  of 
the  country,  and  then,  I  admit,  I  neither  am  nor  can 
be  the  man  for  such  a  mission  ;  or  else  Your  Majesty 
wishes,  with  good  reason,  to  persevere  in  the  princi- 
ples of  vigilant  authority  which  are  and  should 
remain  the  bases  of  your  government,  while  relaxing, 
in  due  measure,  that  which  an  exceptional  position 
has  necessarily  stretched  too  tightly;  and  in  that 
case  the  reins  can  be  properly  loosened  only  by  a 
man  who  is  capable  of  shortening  them  vigorously  in 
case  of  necessity.  To  remove  that  man  is  to  furnish 
new  food  to  public  anxiety,  to  justify  it  by  an  ap- 
pearance of  versatility  and  weakness,  without  in  the 


288        THE  COURT  OF  TEE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

least  contenting  those  who,  at  bottom,  aim  at  over- 
throwing imperial  institutions." 

Here  the  general  posed  as  a  necessary  man,  and 
offered  his  resignation  in  case  his  ideas  were  not 
accepted  by  the  Emperor.  This  resignation  was 
accepted,  and  General  Espinasse,  made  a  senator, 
was  replaced  June  15  as  Minister  of  the  Interior  by 
M.  Delangle,  who  did  not  add  to  this  title  that  of 
Minister  of  General  Safety.  At  the  same  time  a  new 
ministry,  that  of  Algeria  and  the  Colonies,  was 
created  in  favor  of  Prince  Napoleon,  who  was  thus 
called  to  a  place  in  !the  council.  The  exceptional 
policy  brought  into  play  by  the  crime  of  January  14 
was  suspended,  and  an  initial  orientation  towards  the 
liberal  Empire  of  1870  might  already  be  divined. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV 

COUNT  DE  PERSIGNT 

/~\NE  of  the  consequences  of  the  attempt  of  Janu- 
^^  aiy  14  was  to  stir  up  complications  between 
France  and  England,  which  for  several  weeks  as- 
sumed a  very  serious  character  and  subjected  the 
alliance  of  the  two  nations  to  a  very  rude  trial. 

The  ambassador  of  Napoleon  III.  near  Queen 
Victoria,  since  May  7,  1855,  was  Count  de  Persigny. 
Born  at  Saint-Germain-Lespinasse,  in  the  department 
of  the  Loire,  January  11,  1808,  he  had  just  completed 
his  fiftieth  year.  His  career,  like  that  of  his  sover- 
eign, had  been  filled  with  troubles  and  vicissitudes. 
The  son  of  an  officer  of  the  First  Empire  who  per- 
ished at  the  battle  of  Salamanca,  he  had  come  out 
first  from  the  military  school  of  Saumur  in  1826,  but 
left  the  military  service  in  1833.  Under  the  reign 
of  Louis  Philippe  he  wrote  in  the  legitimist  journals 
before  embracing  Bonapartism,  of  which  he  was  one 
of  the  most  ardent  apostles  and  principal  precursors. 
He  contributed  greatly  to  the  organization  of  the 
Strasburg  conspiracy.  The  indictment  represented 
him  as  "a  man  of  brains  and  resolution,  active,  in- 
telligent, possessing  more  fully  than  any  one  else  the 
u  289 


290        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

secret  of  the  springs  on  which  the  plot  rested."  Ar- 
rested with  Prince  Napoleon,  he  succeeded  in  escap- 
ing and  took  refuge  in  England.  Having  also  taken 
part  in  the  Boulogne  expedition,  he  was  condemned 
to  twenty  years  of  detention.  Imprisoned  at  first  at 
Doullens,  he  obtained  permission  to  be  transferred  to 
the  military  hospital  of  Versailles.  Towards  the  end 
of  Louis  Philippe's  reign,  he  was  simply  interned 
within  the  enclosure  of  that  city,  where  he  enjoyed 
entire  freedom  of  action.  A  deputy  to  the  Legisla- 
tive Assembly  in  1849,  he  was  one  of  those  who 
aided  the  Prince-President  most  in  gaining  supreme 
power.  He  had  been  in  the  struggle;  he  was  at  the 
triumph.  Napoleon  HL,  one  of  whose  good  qualities 
was  the  sentiment  of  gratitude,  overwhelmed  him 
with  honors.  He  appointed  him  Minister  of  the  Li- 
terior  and  senator  in  1852,  ambassador  at  London  in 
1855,  grand  cross  of  the  Legion  of  Honor  in  1856, 
member  of  the  Privy  Council  in  1858.  He  married 
him,  May  27,  1852,  to  a  charming  young  girl  of  nine- 
teen, the  offspring  of  the  marriage  of  the  General 
Prince  de  Moskowa,  eldest  son  of  the  illustrious 
marshal,  with  the  only  daughter  of  the  famous 
banker,  Jacques  Laffite. 

Possessing  a  wonderful  acquaintance  with  the  lan- 
guage, manners,  and  institutions  of  England,  Count 
de  Persigny  had  none  but  friends  in  the  upper  classes 
of  English  society.  A  convinced  partisan  of  the  alli- 
ance, in  equal  favor  with  Whigs  and  Tories,  much 
appreciated  by  the  Queen  and  her  ministers,  he  greatly 


COUNT  BE  PEBSIGNY  291 


enjoyed  himself  in  London,  where  his  reputation  as 
the  friend  and  confidant  of  the  Emperor  assured  him 
exceptional  force  and  authority  as  a  diplomatist. 

We  have  said  before  that,  on  the  morrow  of  the 
crime  of  January  14,  the  ambassador  of  France 
could  but  congratulate  himself  on  the  attitude  of 
the  English  ministry.  But  things  soon  changed. 
The  beginning  of  complications  was  a  despatch  ad- 
dressed by  Count  Walewski  to  Count  de  Persigny, 
January  20,  1858,  and  deposited  February  8  by  Lord 
Palmerston  on  the  table  of  the  House  of  Commons. 
In  this  despatch  the  Emperor's  ^Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  commenced  by  recalling  the  fact  that  the 
new  attempt,  like  its  predecessors,  had  been  con- 
ceived in  England;  it  was  there  that  the  authors 
of  the  conspiracy  had  leisurely  prepared  their  means 
of  action,  studied  and  fabricated  the  instruments  of 
destruction  of  which  they  had  just  made  use,  and 
from  there  that  they  had  started  to  put  their  plan 
into  execution.  No  nation  respected  more  highly 
than  France  the  right  of  asylum.  But,  is  hospitality 
due  to  assassins  ?  "  Can  English  legislation,"  added 
Count  Walewski,  "  continue  to  shelter  men  who 
put  themselves  outside  of  the  common  law  and 
under  the  ban  of  humanity  ?  "  He  concluded  as 
follows  :  "  The  government  of  Her  Britannic  Maj- 
esty can  aid  us  to  avert  the  danger  by  giving  us  a 
guarantee  of  security  which  no  State  could  possibly 
refuse  to  a  neighboring  State,  and  which  we  are 
authorized   to  expect   from  an  ally.      Fully  confid- 


292      TUE  cou  HT  of  the  second  empire 

ing,  moreover,  in  the  good  judgment  of  the  Eng- 
lish cabinet,  we  abstain  from  any  suggestion  as  to 
the  measures  it  may  be  suitable  to  take,  and  rest 
contentedly  in  the  firm  persuasion  that  we  have  not 
appealed  in  vain  to  its  conscience  and  its  loyalty." 

Count  Walewski's  communication  was  not  badly 
received  in  London  at  first.  The  chief  of  the 
Foreign  Office,  Lord  Clarendon,  wrote,  January  23, 
to  the  English  ambassador  at  Paris,  Lord  Cowley, 
that  Parliament  would  never  consent  to  pass  a  bill 
for  the  expulsion  of  foreigners  ;  it  would  be  as  well 
worth  while,  said  he,  to  propose  to  the  House  of 
Lords  or  the  House  of  Commons  the  annexation 
of  England  to  France  ;  but,  this  reservation  made, 
the  counsellors  of  the  Queen  manifested  no  reluc- 
tance to  examine  the  legislation  in  force  and  to 
cover  its  deficiencies  if  such  existed.  Count  de 
Persigny  felt  quite  reassured  as  to  the  dispositions 
of  the  English  ministry.  He  wrote  to  Count  Wa- 
lewski,  January  29  :  "  In  this  country  people  do  not 
run  the  risks  of  a  terrible  war  through  love  of  judi- 
cial subtleties  and  solely  in  the  interest  of  a  band 
of  scoundrels." 

Parliament,  which  was  in  vacation,  was  to  reas- 
semble February  8.  The  Prime  Minister,  Lord 
Palmerston,  prepared  what  was  called  the  Conspir- 
acy Bill,  which  punished  as  high  treason  all  plots 
formed  in  England  for  the  assassination  of  a  for- 
eign prince,  intending  to  submit  it  to  Parliament 
by  motion. 


COUNT  DE  PERSIGNY  293 

Things  were  at  this  point  when,  at  the  end  of 
January,  the  unlucky  idea  of  publishing  in  the 
Moniteur  those  of  the  colonels'  addresses  which 
contained  real  insults  to  England,  occurred  to  some- 
body in  Paris.  As  M.  de  Persigny  wrote  to  Count 
Walewski,  this  was  to  weight  the  English  govern- 
ment with  a  great  difficulty.  Nevertheless  it  was 
the  general  opinion  that  the  Conspiracy  Bill  proposed 
by  the  Whigs  would  not  be  opposed  by  the  Tories. 
"  To-day,  "  wrote  the  ambassador  in  a  despatch  of 
February  5,  "  I  have  been  warmly  congratulated  by 
several  of  my  colleagues  who,  considering  the  result 
already  obtained,  ascribe  to  me  the  merit  of  it.  The 
truth  is,  that  if  I  have  done  my  duty,  I  have  been 
singularly  assisted  by  the  political  sympathies  which 
the  Emperor  excites  in  the  country  and  the  respect- 
ful friendships  he  has  been  able  to  inspire.  All 
the  same,  there  must  be  no  misapprehension.  The 
discussion  will  be  sharp  and  serious." 

In  presence  of  the  disastrous  effect  produced  by 
several  of  these  addresses.  Count  Walewski  addressed 
a  despatch  to  Count  de  Persigny,  February  6,  in 
which  he  said  :  "  If  it  has  been  possible  to  admit 
into  the  official  journal  among  the  enthusiastic 
manifestations  of  the  devotion  of  the  army  to  the 
Emperor  words  which  seem  in  England  to  breathe 
another  sentiment,  they  are  too  contrary  to  the 
language  incessantly  employed  by  the  Emperor's 
government  in  this  affair  to  that  of  Her  Britannic 
Majesty  for  it  to  be  possible  to  attribute   them   to 


294        TUE  cou  ET  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

anything  but  an  inadvertence  caused  by  the  multi- 
tude of  these  addresses  in  the  first  moments.  The 
Emperor  charges  you  to  say  to  Lord  Clarendon 
how  much  he  regrets  it."  Thanks  to  this  retrac- 
tion, Lord  Palmerston  obtained  at  the  first  reading 
of  the  Conspiracy  Bill  in  the  House  of  Commons 
a  majority  of  two  hundred  votes.  The  Tories  had 
voted  with  him,  conformably  to  the  promise  they 
had  made  to  Count  de  Persigny,  and  its  final  suc- 
cess seemed  doubtful  to  nobody. 

The  second  reading  of  the  bill  took  place  Febru- 
ary 19.  Several  members  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
not  doubting  the  vote,  were  not  present.  The 
most  unexpected  incident  occurred.  Just  when 
Lord  Palmerston  thought  himself  absolutely  sure  of 
victory,  Mr.  Milner  Gibson  proposed  the  following 
amendment  :  "  The  House  expresses  its  horror  of 
the  attempt  against  the  Emperor's  life  ;  it  will 
lend  its  concurrence  in  order  that  remedies  may  be 
found  for  the  faults  which  may  exist  in  legislation. 
Nevertheless  it  can  but  regret  that  the  Government, 
before  asking  the  House  to  modify  the  law,  did  not 
think  itself  obliged  to  reply  to  the  French  despatch 
of  January  20."  This  motion  having  been  adopted 
by  two  hundred  and  thirty-four  votes  against  two 
hundred  and  fifteen.  Lord  Palmerston  and  the  other 
ministers  resigned.  The  Tories  went  back  to  power, 
and  Lord  Derby  formed  a  cabinet  with  Mr.  Disraeli 
and  Lord  Malmesbury,  By  a  strange  result  of 
parliamentary   caprices   and   anomalies,    it   was    the 


COUNT  DE  PER  SIGN  Y  295 

man  of  the  civis  romajiue,  the  favorite  minister  of 
British  patriotism,  who  fell  under  suspicion  of  not 
having  sufficiently  defended  the  national  honor;  it 
was  the  statesman  so  frequently  accused  of  unchain- 
ing revolutionary  tempests  over  Europe  who  was 
overthrown  for  having  proposed  an  essentially  con- 
servative measure. 

Count  de  Persigny  said  in  a  despatch  of  February 
23  :  "  Lord  Palmerston,  with  his  customary  liberty  of 
spirit,  has  spoken  to  me  about  the  situation  as  if  it 
were  a  question  of  the  resignation  of  a  Chinese  man- 
darin. Not  a  word  of  irritation  against  either  men  or 
things  has  found  place  in  the  conversation.  .  .  .  He 
remarked  that  this  was  the  second  time  he  had  been 
turned  out  of  the  ministrj'^  on  account  of  France  and 
the  Emperor;  the  first  was  under  the  ministry  of 
Lord  John  Russell  for  having  approved  the  eo2ip 
d^État;  and  he  made  me  observe  that  he  would  have 
the  right  to  make  this  answer  to  those  who  have  un- 
justly accused  him  of  not  being  a  sincere  friend  of 
France  and  the  Emperor." 

M.  de  Persigny  had  great  hopes  that  the  new 
cabinet  would  not  withdraw  the  Conspiracy  Bill. 
Lord  Clarendon  had  been  replaced  as  head  of  the 
Foreign  Office  by  a  personal  friend  of  Napoleon  III., 
Lord  Malmesbury,  who  had  visited  him  in  the  fortress 
of  Ham.  The  ambassador  neglected  no  means  of  con- 
vincing the  English  statesman  and  his  colleagues. 
He  spoke  to  them  in  the  firmest  and  most  eloquent 
language.     But  he  could  not  persuade  his  own  con- 


296       THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

science  that  several  of  the  criticisms  which  they 
made  on  certain  faults  of  the  imperial  government 
were  ill-founded.  Lord  Malmesbury  said  to  him  : 
"  On  every  side,  in  all  cities  and  municipalities, 
assemblies  were  convoked  to  prepare  and  vote  ad- 
dresses to  the  Emperor.  All  England,  in  a  word, 
was  afoot  to  testify  its  sympathy,  when  the  Moniteur 
came  to  chill  our  hearts.  The  direct  and  official 
initiative  of  the  French  government  has  excited  a 
sentiment  which  is  all  the  more  painful  because  it 
deprived  England  of  the  merit  of  the  unofficial  one." 
Such  was,  in  fact,  the  ambassador's  own  feeling. 
He  considered  that  "  the  Moniteur' s  faculty  of  repre- 
senting the  Emperor  was  a  danger  with  absolutely  no 
compensation."  He  deplored  that  formal  despatch 
of  January  20  which  had  caused  Lord  Palmerston's 
downfall.  Without  fearing  to  wound  Count  Walew- 
ski,  and  possibly  his  sovereign  as  well,  he  had  the 
candor  and  courage  to  write  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  February  28  :  "I  have  not  to  express  myself 
concerning  your  despatch  of  January  20.  All  I  can 
say  is  that  had  I  been  consulted  about  a  proceeding 
of  that  character,  as  the  usage  of  all  Europe  would 
probably  demand  and  certainly  ordinary  human  pru- 
dence, it  would  have  been  impossible  for  me,  con- 
sidering the  way  in  which  the  question  had  alread}' 
been  posed  and  pressed  forward  by  the  English 
government,  to  do  anything  but  advise  that  this 
communication  should  not  be  made,  or,  at  least, 
should   not   be  given   the  form  of   an  official  com- 


COUNT  DE  PERSIGNY  297 

munication.  .  .  .  Here  we  are,  through  a  series  of 
incidents,  faults,  imprudences,  or  negligences,  what- 
ever one  likes  to  call  them,  arrived  at  so  deplorable 
a  situation  that  a  horrible  event  which  should  have 
roused  the  sympathies  of  all  Europe,  and  of  England 
in  particular,  in  favor  of  the  Emperor,  has  become  the 
cause  of  a  serious  conflict  between  the  two  coun- 
tries ;  that  popular  passions  here,  overexcited  against 
France,  seem  to  dominate  the  reason  of  the  intelligent 
classes,  and  that  at  present  a  weak  and  undecided 
minister  finds  imposed  upon  him  the  passage  of  a  bill 
which  is  nothing  in  itself,  but  which  has  inflamed 
against  him  all  the  passions  of  the  country  because 
it  is  supposed  to  have  been  imposed  upon  him  by  a 
foreign  sovereign," 

Count  de  Persigny  had  got  as  far  as  this  in  his 
despatch  when  he  received  a  note  from  Lord  Malmes- 
bury  inviting  him  to  call  at  his  house.  To  the  great 
astonishment  of  the  ambassador,  the  chief  of  the 
Foreign  Office  told  him  that  the  ministry  declined  to 
present  the  bill. 

Matters  thus  assumed  a  very  grave  character,  and 
there  was  room  to  fear  that  diplomatic  relations 
between  England  and  France  might  be  broken  off, 
when  the  Emperor  suddenly  caused  the  question  to 
be  settled  directly  between  Count  Walewski  and  Lord 
Cowley,  without  consulting  and  even  without  noti- 
fying Count  do  Persigny.  The  latter  was  deeply 
offended.  "  Last  Tuesday,"  wrote  he  to  M.  Walew- 
ski,  "  March  IG,  Lord  Derby  called  on  me  in   the 


298        THE  COURT  OF  THE   SECOND   EMPIRE 

evening  to  congratulate  me,  as  he  said,  on  the  great 
and  fortunate  news  ;  and  as,  in  my  amazement  at 
knowing  nothing,  I  asked  him  what  fortunate  news 
he  referred  to,  he  tokl  me  with  visible  surprise  at 
my  ignorance  what  had  passed  between  Your  Ex- 
cellency and  Lord  Cowley.  Lord  Derby's  joy  was 
very  natural.  The  Tory  party,  after  having  broken 
its  word  to  us  three  times,  could  hardly  have  expected 
that  when  presenting  itself  for  the  first  time  before 
the  Emperor's  INlinister  of  Foreign  Affairs  it  would 
receive  nothing  but  felicitations  and  compliments. 
In  the  interest  of  the  Emperor's  dignity  I  ought  to 
have  been  apprised  before  any  one  else  whomsoever  of 
the  attitude  taken  by  Your  Excellency,  for  the  igno- 
rance in  which  you  left  me  cannot  but  have  disagree- 
able consequences.  This,  Monsieur  le  Comte,  in  the 
interest  of  our  mutual  responsibility,  is  what  I  have 
to  say  to  you,  and  I  am  bound  to  say  it." 

Count  Walewski  having  acted  under  the  Emperor's 
order,  the  latter  justified  him  and  accepted  the  resig- 
nation of  the  ambassador,  ^Nlarch  20,  1858. 

And  now  to  the  communications  which  had  been 
exchanged  between  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
and  Lord  Cowley.  Li  a  despatch  of  March  4,  ad- 
dressed to  the  latter.  Lord  Malraesbury  declared  that 
all  the  offences  enumerated  by  Count  Walewski,  if 
proved  before  a  jury,  would  entail  a  condemnation, 
and  that  in  view  of  the  last  outrage  proceedings  had 
been  entered  for  complicity  and  for  a  publication 
which  upheld   assassination   as   a   doctrine.     Hence 


COUNT  BE  PER  SIGN  Y  299 

there  was  no  further  question  of  the  Conspiracy  Bill. 
But  Lord  Malmesbury,  in  the  name  of  the  Queen's 
government,  expressed  "the  desire  to  maintain  an 
alliance  which,  since  the  restoration  of  the  Empire, 
had  existed  to  the  great  advantage  of  botli  nations." 
Count  Walewski  replied  to  Count  de  Persigny  by 
a  despatch  bearing  date  March  11,  inspired  if  not 
dictated  by  the  Emperor;  one  finds  in  it  the  eleva- 
tion of  thought  and  style  habitual  with  Napoleon  III. 
It  said  that  the  government  congratulated  itself  on 
the  amicable  assurances  of  the  new  English  cabinet, 
and  that  His  Majesty  believed  himself  to  have  seized 
every  occasion  during  the  last  six  years  of  drawing 
closer  the  ties  between  the  two  peoples.  .  .  .  What 
had  happened?  Count  Walewski  had  called  the 
attention  of  the  government  of  Her  Britannic  Maj- 
esty to  the  existence  of  a  sect  which  in  its  publi- 
cations and  meetings  erected  assassination  into  a 
doctrine,  and  which,  within  the  space  of  six  years, 
had  sent  no  less  than  eight  assassins  into  France  to 
murder  the  Emperor.  "  The  character  of  our  pro- 
ceedings," added  the  Minister,  "  was  outlined  to  you 
in  the  clearest  manner  by  His  Majesty,  who  wrote 
you  towards  the  end  of  January  :  I  am  under  no 
illusion  as  to  the  small  efficacy  of  the  measures 
that  one  could  take,  but  that  will  always  be  a  good 
proceeding  which  will  successfully  tranquillize  irri- 
tations. It  is  not  at  present  a  question  of  saving  my 
life,  but  of  saving  the  alliance.  ...  I  need  not  tell 
you,  moreover,  that  I  have  never  thought  of  consider- 


300        TUE  COURT  OF  TUE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

ing  English  legislation  as  knowingly  protecting  the 
guilty.  My  despatch  of  January  had  no  other  object 
than  that  of  pointing  out  a  deplorable  state  of  things  ; 
but  I  carefully  abstained  from  expressing  any  opinion 
as  to  the  measures  calculated  to  put  an  end  to  it.  .  .  , 
In  giving  these  assurances  to  Lord  Malmesbury, 
kindly  add  that  the  Emperor's  intentions  having 
been  misunderstood,  His  Majesty's  government  will 
refrain  from  continuing  a  discussion  which,  if  pro- 
longed, might  injure  the  dignity  and  the  good  under- 
standing of  the  two  countries,  and  which  it  leaves 
purely  and  simply  to  the  loyalty  of  the  English 
people." 

This  despatch,  whose  only  inconvenience  was  that 
of  having  arrived  too  late,  was  assuredly  very  fine 
both  in  substance  and  in  form;  but,  one  must  con- 
fess, it  was  abnormal  that  the  English  ministers 
should  have  been  made  acquainted  with  its  contents 
before  the  ambassador  of  France  at  London,  to  whom 
it  was  addressed. 


CHAPTER  XXXV 

MAKSHAL   PELISSIER   AS  AIMBASSADOR 

"D  Y  a  decree  of  March  23,  1858,  Marshal  Pélissier, 
-^  Due  de  Malakoff,  was  named  ambassador  of 
France  at  London,  replacing  Count  de  Persigny. 
The  latter  manifested  on  this  occasion  his  patriotism 
and  the  loftiness  of  his  sentiments.  He  wrote  to 
Count  Walewski,  March  24  :  "  The  appointment  of 
the  Due  de  Malakoff  is  made  with  intent  to  replace 
the  policy  of  the  Emperor's  government  on  the  level 
it  occupied  before  the  recent  circumstances.  In  se- 
lecting as  my  successor  an  eminent  man  whose  name 
is  the  symbol  of  a  firm  and  dignified  policy,  while  at 
the  same  time  it  reminds  the  two  countries  of  the 
most  glorious  souvenir  of  their  alliance,  the  Emper- 
or's government  gives,  in  a  way,  a  striking  adhesion 
to  the  observations  I  laid  before  it  in  offering  my 
resignation.  The  doul)le  object  to  which  my  efforts 
and  my  counsels  have  incessantly  tended,  the  preser- 
vation of  the  alliance  and  the  maintenance  of  our 
dignity,  are,  in  fact,  admirably  indicated  by  the 
choice  of  my  successor,  and  thus  I  can  applaud  my- 
self for  not  having  appealed  in  vain  to  the  just  pride 
of   my   government.      For   the   rest,   I   have   never 

301 


302        THE  COUET  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

doubted  for  an  instant  the  real  views  of  the  Em- 
peror, and  that  is  why  I  was  not  afraid,  even  at  the 
risk  of  displeasing  him,  to  tear  away  with  violence 
the  veil  which  concealed  the  truth.  I  have  lost  by 
this  act  of  devotion  a  great  and  lofty  situation  which 
suited  my  tastes,  but  I  have  the  conviction  of  having 
done  my  duty  and  served  my  country." 

The  meaning  of  the  new  appointment  was  at  once 
comprehended  in  England,  by  official  circles  as  well 
as  by  the  public.  Count  de  Persigny  added  :  "  Yes- 
terday Lord  Malmesbury,  who  came  to  spend  the 
evening  with  me,  told  me  that  the  Queen,  who  had 
received  the  Marshal's  name  with  marked  satisfac- 
tion, considered  the  choice  as  a  testimony  of  high 
consideration  towards  England  and  at  the  same  time 
of  high  dignity  for  France.  That  name  pronounced 
last  evening  has  produced  in  the  first  place  what  it 
is  destined  to  produce  everywhere  —  a  certain  salu- 
tary emotion,  because  reflection  soon  defines  its  real 
meaning." 

In  a  despatch  of  April  17,  1858,  the  Marshal  thus 
describes  how  he  took  possession  of  his  embassy: 
"  On  my  arrival  in  London,  April  15,  I  was  received 
with  visible  eagerness  by  the  inhabitants  of  that  city 
and  the  civil  and  military  authorities.  The  troops 
formed  in  a  double  line  along  my  path,  and  the  mu- 
nicipalit}'-  presented  me  with  an  address  conceived  in 
a  good  spirit,  to  which  I  replied  by  some  cordial  ex- 
pressions which  seemed  to  please  those  who  under- 
stood them.     I  notified  Lord  Malmesbury  at  once  of 


MARSHAL  PÉLISSIER  AS  AMBASSADOR      303 


my  arrival,  and  he  appointed  a  meeting  for  the  16th 
at  noon.  I  went  there  exactly  on  time,  and  we 
separated  with  mutual  satisfaction  at  having  met, 
and  promising  to  meet  again  at  three  o'clock  at  the 
Queen's  palace.  I  have  had  the  honor  of  remitting 
my  credentials  to  Her  Majesty,  who  gave  me  a  most 
gracious  reception,  but  above  all  asked  me  several 
questions  indicating  an  affectionate  interest  in  the 
Emperor  and  the  Empress.  I  dine  this  evening  with 
Her  ]Majesty,  and  I  think  that  the  principal  generals 
of  the  Crimean  army,  who  are  in  London,  are  also 
invited."  Prince  Albert  wrote  apropos  of  this  dinner 
to  Baron  Stockmar:  "The  Due  de  Malakoff  has 
dined  with  us.  He  talks  with  the  greatest  frankness 
of  the  state  of  affairs  in  France,  and  blames  several 
measures  taken  by  his  master.  He  is  sorry  to  be 
obliged  to  go  into  society,  which  he  detests,  but  it 
flatters  him  to  be  ambassador  and  to  find  himself  so 
well  received  in  England.  As  a  diplomat  he  is  igno- 
rant of  the  details  of  affairs,  but  his  influence  as  a  man 
may  be  useful." 

At  the  very  time  when  the  Marshal  was  congratu- 
lating himself  on  the  brilliant  and  cordial  reception 
given  him,  an  incident  occurred  which  came  very 
near  entailing  new  complications.  One  of  Orsini's 
accomplices,  Simon  Bernard,  being  brought  before  a 
British  jury,  was  acquitted  April  17.  Nevertheless 
his  guilt  was  beyond  doubt.  He  had  taken  part  in 
ordering  the  bombs;  he  had  them  taken  to  Brus- 
sels and  from  there  to  Paris.     He  had  given  Rudio 


304        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

money,  a  false  passport,  a  sign  of  recognition,  and 
had  sent  him  to  Orsini.  The  English  government 
was  convinced  that  Bernard  would  be  condemned, 
and  was  making  ready  to  use  that  condemnation  as 
a  reply  to  those  who  accused  it  of  either  inertia  or 
weakness.  The  ministers  of  the  Queen  possibly  re- 
gretted the  acquittal  even  more  than  those  of  the 
Emperor. 

The  Marshal-ambassador,  preserving  all  his  sang- 
fi'oid,  sought  to  reassure  his  government.  "  When 
I  had  the  honor  of  dining  with  the  Queen  yester- 
day," he  wrote  to  Count  Walewski,  April  18,  "  I  had 
occasion  to  gather  the  impressions  of  Her  Majesty 
and  those  of  Lord  Malmesbury  concerning  the  result 
of  the  Bernard  trial.  The  Queen  and  the  principal 
Secretary  of  State  expressed  to  me  their  fear  lest  this 
event  should  seem  to  justify  the  regrettable  suspi- 
cions of  which  the  English  people  and  their  govern- 
ment have  recently  been  the  object  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Channel,  and  also  lest  our  own  people  should 
not  sufficiently  comprehend  how  faint  an  echo  the 
applause  with  which  certain  refugees  greeted  the 
verdict  of  the  jury  met  from  the  sounder  portion  of 
the  people  and  genuine  public  opinion  in  England." 

In  the  Marshal's  opinion,  the  thing  to  do  was  to 
remain  calm,  practise  patience,  and  procrastinate. 
"  Resignation  has  its  triviality  at  times,"  he  said 
again  in  a  despatch  of  April  23,  "  but  this  is  a  case 
of  letting  the  water  slip  under  the  bridge,  and  a  time 
to  pass  over  many  tilings   which  stricter   prudence 


MARSHAL  PÉLISSIER  AS  AMBASSADOR     305 

might  have  averted  and  which  the  English  ministiy 
is  ready  to  avoid;  for,  no  matter  how  sincere  and 
honest  its  intentions  may  be  with  regard  to  the  alli- 
ance, it  suffers  the  penalty  of  having  succeeded  in 
seizing  power  on  a  question  of  foreign  politics." 

In  Paris  matters  were  less  calmly  considered. 
Count  Walew^ski  wrote  to  the  Marshal,  April  21: 
"  Bernard's  acquittal  caused  painful  and  general  sur- 
prise in  France,  as  might  have  been  expected;  public 
opinion  was  profoundly  affected  by  it,  and  His  Maj- 
esty's government  learns  that  this  impression  is 
visible  throughout  the  Empire.  Under  these  circum- 
stances, and  wdthout  modifying  in  any  wise  your 
relations  with  the  government  of  Her  Britannic 
Majesty,  whose  sentiments  you  have  been  enabled  to 
appreciate,  the  Emperor  desires  that  your  general 
attitude  should  evince  a  certain  restraint,  and  par- 
ticularly that  you  should  refrain  from  appearing  at 
public  dinners  where  custom  would  place  you  under 
the  obligation  of  responding  to  the  toasts  proposed." 

The  Marshal  replied,  April  23  :  "  Monsieur  le 
Comte,  I  can  readily  imagine  the  surprise  created  in 
France  by  the  acquittal  of  Bernard;  but  the  Queen, 
tlie  English  ministers,  and  the  well-bred  and  reflect- 
ing portion  of  the  population  are  not  less  painfully 
affected  by  it,  and  juries  and  their  verdicts  are  spoken 
of  disdainfully  enough.  But,  in  fine,  there  is  force 
in  res  judicata,  and  any  reprisal  on  that  state  of 
things  seems  to  me  difficult.  I  do  not  see  what 
change  I  could  make  with  respect  to  a  government 


306        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND   EMPIBE 

as  grieved  over  the  situation  as  we  are,  if  not  more 
so,  and  hesitating,  solely  with  intent  to  avoid  a  use- 
less scandal,  to  proceed  Avith  trials  which  would 
necessarily  lead  to  a  new  acquittal. 

"  As  to  dinners  and  meetings  where  speeches  are 
made,  I  will  avoid  them  as  far  as  possible  for  the 
future;  but  it  would  have  been  difficult,  somewhat 
discourteous,  somewhat  imprudent,  to  break  an  en- 
gagement to  dine  at  the  United  Service  Club,  pre- 
sided by  H.R.H.  the  Duke  of  Cambridge,  where 
unseasonable  toasts  are  not  to  be  dreaded,  and  where, 
should  any  occur,  it  would  be  easy,  it  seems,  to  put 
both  men  and  things  in  their  place.  But  nothing  of 
the  sort  is  to  be  feared,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
remarks  exchanged,  the  impressions  communicated, 
were  of  a  nature  to  inspire  a  conviction  that  in  the 
army,  the  navy,  in  all  classes  of  self-respecting 
society,  keen  sympathy  with  the  Emperor  and  his 
government  exists  beyond  all  doubt,  and  sincere 
cordiality  is  manifested  towards  our  army,  our  navy, 
and  their  commanders.  If  you  had  been  present  at 
this  reunion,  assuredly  you  would  have  borrowed  no 
anxiety  concerning  these  ranters,  corrupted  by  the 
dregs  of  our  refugees,  who  alone  can  have  manifested 
a  detestable  adhesion  to  the  acts  of  a  familiar  of 
Orsini."  The  Due  de  Malakoff  reached  the  follow- 
ing conclusion  :  "  It  is  wise,  prudent,  and  rational  to 
leave  to  time  the  care  of  quieting  an  agitation  which 
exists  only  in  the  lowest  depths." 

The  London  journals  represented  the  banquet  of 


MARSHAL  PÉLISSIER  AS  AMBASSADOR      307 

the  United  Service  Club  as  a  manifestation  in  favor 
of  the  Anglo-French  alliance.  The  Post,  in  calling 
attention  to  the  fact  that  the  toast  to  the  Emperor 
and  Empress  had  been  received  with  prolonged 
applause,  added  :  "  Notwithstanding  that  the  two 
States  may  have  different  views  in  politics,  yet  there 
is  not  in  England,  excepting  in  those  dregs  of  the 
population  which  are  always  ready  for  an  upheaval  at 
the  slightest  sign  of  a  storm,  a  single  man  who  does 
not  see  in  the  sovereign  of  France  a  sincere  friend  of 
our  country,  and  who  does  not  desire  that  Providence 
may  long  preserve  him  for  the  maintenance  of  peace 
and  an  affectionate  alliance  between  two  powerful 
nations."  After  the  United  Service  Club,  the  Army 
and  Navy  Club  likewise  offered  a  dinner  to  the 
illustrious  soldier.  Then  the  great  English  families 
successively  gave  entertainments  in  his  honor.  The 
Marshal  was  the  lion  of  the  season,  then  in  full  swing. 

Surrounded  by  demonstrations  in  favor  of  the  alli- 
ance, the  Tory  ministry  thought  the  Conspiracy  Bill 
presented  by  Lord  Palmerston  might  be  allowed  to 
sink  into  oblivion.  Without  officially  withdrawing 
it,  the  same  result  was  arrived  at  by  not  asking  for 
its  second  reading  before  the  expiration  of  the  par- 
liamentary session.  The  clouds  were  dispelled.  One 
might  have  supposed  himself  back  in  the  happy  days 
of  the  "cordial  understanding." 

Napoleon  III.  had  been  well  inspired  when  he  con- 
fided the  French  embassy  in  England,  under  circum- 
stances so  difficult,  to  the  hero  of  Malakofî.     He  was, 


308        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

in  fact,  a  man  of  intelligence,  who  concealed  an  un- 
erring judgment  and  extreme  shrewdness  under  an 
affectation  of  frankness  and  sometimes  of  military 
rudeness.  The  Marshal  had  already  practised  diplo- 
macy in  the  Crimea.  Without  getting  into  disgrace 
with  the  Emperor,  he  had  set  aside  the  sovereign's 
plan,  which  was  to  invest  Sebastopol,  and  executed 
his  own,  which  was  the  siege  and  nothing  but  the 
siege.  The  letters  he  wrote  at  the  time  to  Napoleon 
III.  prove  his  tact  and  ability.  In  London,  he  was 
discerning  enough  to  comprehend  that  the  acquittal 
of  Bernard  was  the  response  to  the  unlucky  ad- 
dresses of  the  colonels,  and  no  professional  diplo- 
matist could  have  taken  a  more  circumspect  and 
conciliatory  attitude  ;  the  alliance  which  had  been 
endangered  owed  its  re-establishment  to  him. 

Those  of  my  colleagues  who  had  the  honor  of 
serving  under  his  orders  during  his  embassy  to 
London,  which  lasted  from  March  23,  1858,  to  May 
9,  1859,  have  told  me  that  the}^  always  found  him  a 
kindly  chief,  good  and  just.  The  Marshal  chatted 
familiarly  with  them,  and  never  displayed  arrogance 
or  pride.  He  was  interested  in  literary  matters,  and, 
in  his  leisure  moments,  wrote  poetry  himself.  He 
said  one  day  to  a  distinguished  young  diplomat, 
Vicomte  de  Beaumont,  afterwards  consul  general 
of  France  in  Hungary  and  minister  plenipoten- 
tiary :  "  See  here,  look  at  this  piece  of  verse  which 
I  have  just  received  ;  I  think  it  execrable."  M.  de 
Beaumont  made  haste  to  read  the  lines  ;  then  he  said 


MABSHAL  PÉLISSIER  AS  AMBASSADOR      309 

prudently  :  "  Monsieur  le  Maréchal,  I  beg  pardon  for 
differing  with  you.  But  these  verses  seem  to  me 
delightful."  "You  have  a  keen  scent,"  replied  the 
Marshal  ;  "  they  are  mine." 

The  Due  de  Malakoff  displayed  a  noble  indepen- 
dence of  character  in  his  embassy.  His  meeting  with 
the  Due  d'Aumale  was  famous.  M.  Ernest  Daudet 
has  described  it  in  an  affecting  way  in  the  excellent 
work  he  has  devoted  to  the  memory  of  the  illustrious 
prince  academician.  It  was  in  Hyde  Park.  The 
carriage  of  the  son  of  Louis  Philippe  was  just  pass- 
ing another,  the  servants  on  which,  like  those  of  the 
Prince,  wore  the  French  cockade.  The  Due  d'Au- 
male recognized  Marshal  Pélissier,  whom  he  had  not 
seen  since  the  time  when  he  was  his  superior  as  gov- 
ernor-general of  Algeria.  On  seeing  the  Prince,  the 
Marshal  rose  and  saluted.  Leaving  their  carriages, 
they  fell  into  each  other's  arms  in  presence  of  an 
astonished  crowd.  "  Monseigneur,"  said  the  Due  de 
Malakoff,  "I  am  serving  France  under  Napoleon  III. 
as  I  served  her  under  your  father  ;  but  I  have  for- 
gotten nothing.  Your  portrait  remains  in  my  study. 
I  always  wear  the  cross  of  Saint  Louis  which  the  Bour- 
bons gave  me,  and  I  take  good  care  to  put  it  in  evidence 
when  I  am  going  to  see  my  padishah.  And  he  is  not 
ignorant  of  the  attachment  I  bear  you.  Now,  I  hope 
that  we  shall  meet  again." 

Marshal  Pélissier  had  a  hand  of  iron  and  a  heart 
of  gold. 


CHAPTER  XXXVI 

COUNT   CAVOUR 

TUNE  29,  1858,  leaving  the  Empress  and  the 
Prince  Imperial  at  Saint-Cloud,  the  Emperor 
set  off  for  Plombières,  in  company  with  General  de 
Béville,  one  of  his  aides-de-camp,  Captain  de  La 
Tour  d'Auvergne,  one  of  his  orderly  officers,  and 
M.  Mocquard,  chief  of  his  cabinet.  In  the  little 
city  of  the  Vosges  he  had  an  interview  with 
M.  Cavour  to  which  the  public  paid  no  attention. 
It  passed  almost  unperceived,  and  yet  it  was  to 
change  many  things  in  Europe.  Before  describing 
it,  let  us  give  a  rapid  glance  at  the  antecedents  of 
the  Piedmontese  statesman. 

Camillo  Benso,  Count  of  Cavour,  was  born  at 
Turin,  August  10,  1810.  By  his  father  he  was  a 
Piedmontese,  by  his  mother  of  French  extraction, 
by  his  paternal  grandfather  he  was  connected  with 
Switzerland  and  Savoy.  His  family  gloried  in  a  tie 
of  kinship  with  Saint  Francois  de  Sales.  Entering 
the  military  school  of  Turin,  young  Cavour  did  well 
there  in  scientific  studies,  and  was  chosen  among  the 
cadets  to  form  part  of  the  corps  of  pages.  Attached 
in  this  capacity  to  the  household  of   the  Prince  of 

810 


COUNT  CAVOUR  311 


Carignan,  the  future  King  Charles  Albert,  he  showed 
from  childhood  a  pride  and  independence  unbefitting 
a  page,  and  he  was  obliged  to  leave  the  service  of  the 
Prince,  whom  he  displeased.  An  oflicer  of  engineers 
at  sixteen,  he  was  in  garrison  at  Genoa  when  the 
French  revolution  of  1830  broke  out.  He  avowed 
himself  ardently  in  favor  of  this  revolution,  which 
in  the  court  of  Turin  was  exciting  general  condem- 
nation. Charles  Albert  ascended  the  throne  in  1831. 
He  already  distrusted  the  young  officer  of  whom  he 
afterwards  said  :  "  He  is  one  of  the  most  dangerous 
men  in  my  kingdom."  He  sent  him  to  the  fortress 
of  Bard  to  take  part  in  the  defensive  works.  M.  de 
Cavour  believed  this  to  be  a  disgrace  ;  six  months 
later  he  gave  in  his  resignation  and  entered  private 
life.  Not  to  be  inactive,  he  undertook  the  direction 
of  one  of  his  father's  estates,  that  of  Leri,  near 
Vercelli,  and  there  devoted  himself  to  business  and 
agriculture,  raising  stock,  cultivating  beet  root, 
studjdng  all  sorts  of  novelties,  gas,  the  making  of 
chemical  manures,  discounting  banks,  speculating 
in  rice,  wheat,  maize,  an  innovator  on  economic 
ground  as  he  was  destined  to  be  afterwards  on  one 
more  vast.  He  made  a  great  fortune  in  this  way, 
and  it  permitted  him  to  found  a  journal  in  1847, 
II  Risorgimento. 

During  the  long  period  of  his  abstention  from 
politics,  M.  de  Cavour  had  travelled  much  in  Switz- 
erland, England,  aiid  France.  His  relations  with 
Baron  de  Barante,  minister  of  King  Louis  Philippe 


312        TUE  COURT  OF  TUE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

at  Turin,  and  with  Count  d'Haussonville,  secretary 
of  the  legation,  opened  to  him  the  doors  of  the  prin- 
cipal salons  of  Paris,  notably  those  of  the  Due  de 
Broglie,  Madame  de  Circourt,  and  Madame  de  Cas- 
tellane.  As  he  spoke  French  better  than  Italian,  he 
had  great  success.  At  that  time  he  called  himself 
a  partisan  of  the  juste  milieu,  the  golden  mean,  and 
associated  himself  with  the  ideas  of  the  Due  de 
Broglie,  Count  Mole,  and  M.  Guizot.  He  professed 
a  cult  for  England  ;  but  a  secret  instinct  warned  him 
that  she  would  never  seriously  favor  the  Italian 
cause.  "I  am  a  great  admirer  of  the  English,"  he 
said  at  the  time  ;  "  I  feel  a  real  sympathy  with  that 
nation,  for  I  consider  it  the  vanguard  of  civilization. 
But  its  policy  does  not  inspire  me  with  the  slightest 
confidence.  When  I  see  it  holding  out  one  hand  to 
Metternich,  and  with  the  other  stirring  up  the  ultra 
radicals  in  Portugal,  Spain,  and  Greece,  I  confess 
that  I  do  not  feel  disposed  to  believe  in  its  politi- 
cal honesty."  He  had  a  presentiment  that  his 
country  could  rely  only  on  France. 

The  Italian  revolutions  of  1848  at  first  discon- 
certed M.  de  Cavour.  He  condemned  the  provoca- 
tions against  Austria  as  untimely  and  dangerous, 
and  did  not  believe  in  the  programme  of  Italia  fard 
da  se.  Elected  deputy  in  June,  1848,  by  three  de- 
partments, he  took  his  seat  in  the  Chamber  among 
the  moderates.  In  October  1850,  he  entered  the 
cabinet  presided  by  M.  d'Azeglio  as  Minister  of 
Agriculture,  Commerce,   and  the   Navy.     At  first, 


COUNT  CAVOUR  313 


King  Victor  Emmanuel  hesitated  to  appoint  him. 
"  Understand,"  said  he  to  his  ministers,  "  that  fellow 
will  take  all  your  portfolios."  His  consuming  activ- 
ity, his  incessant  successes  in  the  tribune,  his  sur- 
prising capacity  for  work,  his  character,  a  curious 
blending  of  suppleness  and  energy,  of  prudence  and 
audacity,  soon  gained  for  him  a  preponderating  in- 
fluence. In  April,  1851,  he  added  to  his  three  port- 
folios that  of  Finances,  and  assured  the  material 
prosperity  of  the  country  before  launching  into 
adventures. 

M.  de  Cavour  may  be  considered  the  creator  of 
the  Italian  question.  Taking  commercial  liberty  and 
political  liberty  as  a  double  lever,  he  organized  — 
thanks  to  the  journals  and  the  refugees  established 
in  Turin  —  a  sj-stem  of  incessant  propaganda.  But 
he  did  not  ignore  the  fact  that  the  revolutionaries, 
unaided,  could  do  nothing,  and  that  without  the 
armed  assistance  of  some  great  power,  it  would 
always  be  absolutely  impossible  for  Piedmont  to  free 
Milan  and  Venice.  There  was  but  one  man  who 
would  and  could  aid  him  to  accomplish  that  task. 
That  man  was  Napoleon  III. 

There  were  great  analogies  between  the  Emperor 
and  the  minister.  Both  convinced  apostles  of  free 
trade  and  tlie  principle  of  nationalities,  tliey  pursued 
their  object  with  inflexible  obstinac3^  Both  had 
greater  faith  in  the  power  of  the  press  than  in  that 
of  the  tribune.  Stage  managers  of  the  first  rank, 
they   excelled   in   directing   and   influencing  public 


314        TUE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 


opinion  ;  they  availed  themselves  of  secret  agents, 
and  simultaneously  maintained  an  official  and  an 
occult  policy.  V/ith  the  genius  of  conspiracy  they 
combined  the  temperament  of  gamesters.  Napo- 
leon III.  and  Count  Cavour  could  have  done 
nothing  against  Austria  without  each  other. 

It  was  solely  on  account  of  Napoleon  III.  that  the 
Piedmontese  minister  persuaded  Victor  Emmanuel 
to  send  troops  to  the  Crimea.  At  first  sight  this 
seemed  a  more  than  singular  proceeding.  What 
grievance,  one  wondered,  had  little  Piedmont  against 
great  Russia,  which  did  not  threaten  it  in  any  way  ? 
The  policy  of  Count  Cavour  had  but  one  excuse  : 
the  desire  to  posit  the  Italian  question  before  a  Con- 
gress after  the  war. 

Had  the  Piedmontese  politician  at  this  epoch  the 
idea  of  creating  the  political  unity  of  the  peninsula? 
One  of  the  best  informed  in  Italian  matters  of  our 
diplomatists,  Count  Benedetti,  does  not  think  so.  In 
his  masterly  study,  Le  Comte  de  Cavour  et  le  Prince 
de  BisinarcJc,  he  says  :  "  To  men  whose  genius  has 
overcome  the  caprices  of  fortune,  one  easily  ascribes 
calculations  and  a  foresight  which  are  hardly  the 
attributes  of  human  nature.  Thoughtful  study  of 
Cavour 's  acts  and  sentiments  at  the  time  at  which  we 
have  arrived  (1856),  inclines  one  to  believe  that  his 
sole  object  then  was  the  enfranchisement  of  Northern 
Italy  ;  tlie  state  of  Europe  and  even  that  of  Italy  did 
not  admit  of  any  other.  .  .  .  Never  since  his  entry 
into  public  life  had  he  formed  another  wish.     He  so 


COUNT  C AVOUE  315 


little  foresaw  a  fusion  of  all  the  Italian  countries  that 
up  till  then  he  had  conceived  and  disclosed  no  com- 
binations that  were  not  exclusive  of  unity.  During 
his  stay  in  Paris,  at  the  time  of  the  Congress,  he  sug- 
gested several,  notably  in  a  note  remitted  to  the 
plenipotentiaries  of  France  and  England,  all  of  which 
comported  with  the  territorial  condition  of  tlie  penin- 
sula as  it  was  at  that  period  ;  they  even  guaranteed 
its  maintenance."  As  to  Napoleon  III.,  we  are  con- 
vinced that  in  1856  Italian  unity  was  far  from  his 
mind.  All  he  thought  of  then  was  wresting  Lom- 
bardy  and  Venetia  from  the  hand  of  Austria,  and  ac- 
quiring Savoy  as  the  price  of  his  armed  assistance. 

From  the  time  of  his  arrival  in  Paris,  Count 
Cavour  ascertained  that  he  could  count  absolutely 
upon  the  Emperor.  February  21,  he  dined  at  the 
Tuileries  in  a  sort  of  intimacy  to  which  tlie  Austrian 
plenipotentiaries  were  not  admitted.  The  day  before 
he  had  written  to  Chevalier  Cibrario,  apropos  of  a 
great  lady  celebrated  for  her  beauty  :  "  I  notify  you 
that  I  am  enrolling  the  beautiful  countess  in  the 
diplomatic  lines,  by  inviting  her  to  coquet  with  and 
if  necessar}^  to  beguile  the  Emperor."  February  22, 
he  was  visited  by  a  close  confidant  of  Napoleon  III., 
Doctor  Conneau,  who  said  he  was  authorized  to 
serve  as  intermediary  for  all  secret  information 
which  the  Sardinians  thought  it  well  to  send  to  the 
Tuileries.  A  few  days  afterwards  he  learned  tliat 
M.  Mocquard,  the  Emperor's  secretary,  had  recom- 
mended the  Parisian  correspondents  of  several  Eiig- 


316        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

lish  journals  to  support  the  cause  of  Piedmont.  The 
only  result  Cavour  obtained  was  that  of  stating,  with- 
out solving,  the  Italian  question  before  the  Congress. 
He  had  planted  a  stake;  that  sufficed  him  for  the 
moment,  and  he  took  back  with  him  to  Turin  the 
memory  that  Napoleon  III.  had  said  to  him  at 
the  time  of  his  final  audience  :  "  I  cannot  enter  into 
a  conflict  with  Austria  just  now  ;  but  be  tranquil,  I 
have  a  notion  that  the  existing  peace  will  not  last 
long."  M.  de  Cavour  was,  in  fact,  tranquillized, 
and  from  that  day  he  made  ready  for  war,  with 
the  profound  conviction  that  it  would  not  be  long 
delayed,  and  that  the  Emperor  would  be  the  ally  of 
Victor  Emmanuel.  Piedmont  had  covered  itself 
with  macadamized  roads.  A  magnificent  military 
port  had  been  created  at  Spezzia,  Mont  Cenis  had 
been  tunnelled  as  if  to  open  a  constantly  accessible 
passage  to  the  French  troops  who  were  one  day  to 
cross  the  Alps  to  the  assistance  of  the  Italians. 

Meanwhile,  the  sympathies  of  Napoleon  III.  for 
the  Italian  cause  remained  as  yet  platonic.  He 
found  out  at  the  Stuttgart  inter\dew  that  Czar 
Alexander  I.  was  unfavorable  to  Austria,  but  would 
energetically  support  the  King  of  Naples.  A  revo- 
lutionary policy  in  Italy  could  not  be  approved  by 
Russia.  Hence  Count  Cavour  was  obliged  to 
moderate  his  claims  and  dissemble  the  greater 
part  of  his  programme. 

We  have  seen  already  that  the  crime  of  Janu- 
ary 14,  wliich  for  an   instant  seemed  to  endanger 


COUNT  C AVOUE  317 


the  alliance  between  France  and  Piedmont,  resulted 
in  strengthening  it  and  in  precipitating  events. 
When  the  official  Gazette  of  the  kingdom  published 
at  Turin  the  two  letters  written,  one  from  the  Mazas 
and  the  other  from  the  Roquette  prison,  in  which 
Orsini  made  a  final  appeal  to  the  Emperor  in  favor 
of  the  Italian  cause,  everybody  believed  that  such  a 
publication,  an  evident  menace  against  Austria,  could 
not  have  been  made  by  the  Piedmontese  government 
without  the  consent  of  Napoleon  III.  Nevertheless 
Count  Cavour's  hopes  still  remained  vague.  They 
assumed  precision  only  through  the  agreement  which 
occurred  between  him  and  the  Emperor  in  the  inter- 
view at  Plombières. 


CHAPTER   XXXVII 

PLOMBlîSRIiS 

~r  IKE  Louis  XV.,  Napoleon  III.  always  had, 
-^  beside  his  official  diplomacy,  an  occult  one 
which  was  often  contrary  to  the  first.  Like  Louis 
XV.  he  employed  unknown  agents,  mysterious  inter- 
mediaries. There  was  the  Emperor's  secret^  as  for- 
merly there  had  been  the  secret  of  the  King.  "  The 
Ministry  of  Foreign  i\.ffairs  was  often  only  a  grand 
façade,  behind  which  passed  important  things  of 
which  the  ministers  themselves  were  ignorant.  At 
the  time  of  the  Crimean  War  and  of  the  Vienna  con- 
ferences. Napoleon  IIL,  at  the  moment  when  he 
seemed  to  agree  with  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  disagreed 
with  him  completely,  the  sovereign  \\dshing  the  war 
to  go  on  and  the  minister  desiring  it  to  come  to  an 
end.  One  may  also  say  that  the  Emperor  prepared 
the  Italian  war  without  Count  Walewski's  know- 
ledge, and  even  in  spite  of  him.  The  official  journals 
frequently  represented  the  ideas,  not  of  the  Emperor, 
but  of  his  ministers,  and  it  was  sometimes  the  papers 
considered  by  the  public  as  opposition  journals,  the 
Siècle,  for  example,  in  which  it  was  necessary  to  look 
for  the  secret  mind  of  the  sovereign.     As  under  the 

318 


PLOMBIÈRES  319 


reign  of  Louis  XV.,  the  ministers  had  no  confidence 
in  their  master,  and  were  expecting  to  be  disavowed 
at  the  very  moment  when  they  seemed  to  be  enjoying 
his  entire  confidence  and  to  possess  his  full  approba- 
tion. Count  Walewski  was  the  declared  adversary 
of  Count  Cavour's  ideas,  and  it  was  during  the 
ministry  of  Walewski  that  Cavour  received  the  Em- 
peror's encouragement  and  made  ready,  in  concert 
with  him,  the  war  of  1859. 

At  the  end  of  May,  1858,  Doctor  Conneau  went 
to  Turin  on  an  absolutely  secret  mission.  The  situa- 
tion of  the  doctor  was  apparently  modest,  but,  at 
bottom,  he  was  not  merely  the  physician  but  the  con- 
fidential friend  of  the  Emperor,  whom  he  had  never 
quitted  since  the  death  of  Queen  Hortense,  and  he 
was  more  conversant  than  the  ministers  with  the 
under  side  of  the  imperial  diplomacy  and  the  mental 
reservations  of  the  sovereign.  He  saw  Victor  Em- 
manuel and  Count  Cavour,  and  after  dwelling  upon 
the  sympathies  of  Napoleon  III.  for  the  court  of 
Turin,  he  said  that  the  Emperor  proposed  spending 
J«ly  at  Plombières,  where  he  would  be  pleased  to 
meet  the  Piedmontese  minister.  JM.  de  Cavour  eagerly 
replied  that  he  intended  taking  a  vacation  in  Switzer- 
land, and  that  from  there  he  would  go  to  pay  his 
respects  to  the  Emperor  if  he  were  authorized  by 
His  Majesty. 

June  19,  Count  Cavour  wrote  to  the  Marquis  Vil- 
lamarina  :  "  I  am  impatient  to  know  whether  the 
Emperor  will  give  effect  to  Conneau's  insinuations 


320        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

by  inviting  me  to  see  him  at  Plombières."  He 
added,  as  if  to  fortify  himself  :  "  Walewski  and  the 
majority  of  the  political  agents  of  France  represent 
nothing  but  petty  passions,  and  in  nowise  the  great 
thoughts  which  the  Emperor  cherishes  in  his  own 
mind." 

When,  on  July  14,  the  Piedmontese  statesman  set 
out  for  Switzerland,  he  had  as  yet  received  no  confir- 
mation of  Doctor  Conneau's  hints.  But  at  Geneva  he 
received  the  anxiously  expected  news  in  a  letter  from 
General  de  Béville,  announcing  that  the  Emperor 
would  be  charmed  to  see  him  at  Plombières.  "  The 
drama  approaches  its  solution,"  wrote  Cavour  at  the 
time  to  his  friend,  confidant,  and  colleague,  General 
de  La  Marmora  ;  "  pray  heaven  to  inspire  me  that  I 
make  no  blunder  in  this  supreme  moment.  In  spite 
of  mj  usual  confidence,  I  am  not  without  great 
anxiety." 

July  20,  in  the  evening.  Count  Cavour  arrived  at 
Plombières.  At  eleven  o'clock  the  next  morning  he 
was  brought  into  the  presence  of  Napoleon  III. 

Is  it  not  curious  to  note,  nowadays,  how  rapidly 
contemporaneous  history  discovers  the  most  secret 
things  ?  The  mysteries  of  the  Plombières  interview 
were  very  soon  revealed.  The  preliminaries  have 
been  made  known  b}^  the  letters  of  the  Piedmontese 
statesman  :  Letters  published  and  unpublished  of  Ca- 
millo  Cavour.  As  to  the  interview  itself,  the  least 
details  of  it  were  supplied  by  the  publication  of  the 
report  addressed  by  him  to  Victor  Emmanuel,  July 


PLOMBIÈRES  321 


24,  1858,  the  contents  of  which  we  are  about  to 
analyze. 

Napoleon  III.  opened  the  conversation  by  saying 
that  he  would  be  inclined  to  support  Piedmont  in  a 
war  with  Austria,  on  the  double  condition  that  the 
struggle  should  not  assume  a  revolutionary  character, 
and  that  it  might  clothe  itself  with  a  pretext  which 
diplomacy  should  find  plausible.  The  minister  hav- 
ing adduced  Austria's  failure  to  execute  commercial 
treaties,  and  the  abusive  extension  of  her  power  in 
the  duchies  and  the  Romagna,  the  Emperor  found 
the  first  pretext  insufficient.  As  to  the  second,  he 
said:  "So  long  as  my  troops  are  at  Rome,  I  cannot 
insist  on  Austria's  withdrawing  hers  from  Ancona 
and  Bologna.  I  must  be  circumspect  with  Rome  on 
account  of  the  Catholics,  and  with  Naples  on  account 
of  the  Czar,  who  makes  it  a  sort  of  point  of  honor  to 
protect  King  Ferdinand."  "  Well,  then,"  replied 
Cavour,  "  let  us  abandon  Rome  to  the  Pope  and 
Naples  to  its  princes.  It  is  sufficient  to  permit  the 
Romagnols  to  make  insurrections,  and  not  to  inter- 
fere with  the  subjects  of  King  Ferdinand  on  the  day 
when  they  feel  like  throwing  off  his  yoke." 

Then  the  two  interlocutors  examined  the  situation 
of  the  duchy  of  Modena,  whose  sovereign  was  the 
most  ultra  of  all  the  princes,  and  where  the  Pied- 
montese  propaganda,  already  very  active,  might  at 
any  moment  kindle  the  spark  desired.  After  con- 
sidering the  contingency  of  a  war,  they  revolved  the 
distribution  of  territories  after  peace.     There  was  as 


322        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECO^TD  EMPIRE 

yet  no  question  of  Italian  unity.  The  peninsula 
might  be  divided  into  four  States:  1,  Piedmont,  in- 
creased by  Lombardy  and  Venetia,  the  duchy  of 
Parma  and  Legations  ;  2,  Tuscany,  which  with  Um- 
bria  would  form  a  kingdom  of  Central  Italy,  given 
perhaps  to  the  house  of  Parma  ;  3,  the  Pontifical 
State,  where  the  Pope  would  retain  Rome,  lose  the 
Legations,  and  assume  the  title  of  President  of  the 
Italian  Confederation;  4,  the  kingdom  of  the  Two 
Sicilies,  whose  present  sovereign  would  be  main- 
tained for  a  time  in  order  to  avoid  offending  Russia. 

How  was  France  to  be  rewarded  for  her  armed 
concurrence?  The  Emperor  demanded  the  cession 
of  Savoy  in  exchange  for  the  stipulated  aggrandize- 
ment of  Piedmont.  M.  Cavour,  though  suggesting 
that  Savoy  was  the  cradle  of  his  master's  family, 
made  no  absolute  objection.  But  when  the  Emperor 
added  that  he  would  also  be  obliged  to  reclaim  the 
seigniory  of  Nice,  his  interlocutor  exclaimed:  "Nice 
is  Italian  territory  ;  if  that  is  ceded,  what  becomes  of 
the  principle  of  nationalities?"  Napoleon  III.  con- 
tented himself  with  repl3'ing  :  "  Those  are  secondary 
questions,  and  there  will  be  time  enough  to  consider 
them  hereafter,"  and  the  conversation  closed  ;  it  had 
lasted  from  eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning  until  three 
in  the  afternoon. 

An  hour  later,  the  Emperor  drove  out  in  a  phaeton 
with  M.  de  Cavour  across  the  woods  and  valle3-s  of 
the  Vosges.  It  was  during  this  drive  that  he  ex- 
pressed his  desire  that  his  cousin,  Prince  Napoleon, 


PLOMBIÈRES  323 


should  marry  the  Princess  Clotilde,  daughter  of  King 
Victor  Emmanuel.  Cavour,  whom  the  King  had 
recommended  to  make  no  promise  unless  the  mar- 
riage should  be  a  sine  qua  non  of  the  arrangements, 
alleged  the  youth  of  the  Princess  and  made  other 
objections,  to  which  the  Emperor  replied  by  saying  of 
his  cousin  :  "  He  has  often  embarrassed  and  often 
irritated  me  ;  he  is  fond  of  contradiction  and  a  fault- 
linder  ;  but  he  has  a  great  deal  of  intelligence,  more 
judgment  than  people  think,  and  a  very  good  heart." 
Day  was  beginning  to  decline  ;  the  outing  was  nearly 
over.  The  Emperor  insisted  several  times  on  the  pro- 
jected alliance  :  "  I  comprehend,"  said  he,  "  that  the 
youth  of  the  Princess  necessitates  delays  ;  but  I  want 
a  positive  answer,  and  I  expect  it."  His  last  word  as 
they  parted  was  :  "  Have  confidence  in  me  as  I  have 
in  you." 

The  Piedmontese  minister  left  Plombières  July  22. 
The  24th,  at  Baden,  on  an  inn  table,  he  wrote  his  re- 
port to  his  sovereign  and  despatched  it  at  once,  in  all 
haste,  by  an  attaché  of  the  Sardinian  legation  in 
Switzerland.  It  is  said  that,  after  reading  it,  Victor 
Emmanuel  exclaimed  :  "  In  a  year  I  shall  be  King  of 
Italy  or  simply  M.  de  Savoy." 

The  Prince  de  La  Tour  d'Auvergne,  minister  of 
France  in  Sardinia,  wrote  to  Count  Walewski,  August 
15  :  "  The  comments,  for  the  most  part  very  improba- 
ble, occasioned  by  M.  de  Cavour's  journey  to  Plom- 
bières, have  given  place  to  impressions  more  sensible 
and  doubtless  more  correct.     At  present  people  are 


324        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

pretty  generally  persuaded  —  and  in  private  conver- 
sation M.  de  Cavour  confirms  this  opinion  —  that  the 
Emperor  strong]}^  recommended  prudence  and  mod- 
eration to  King  Victor  Emmanuel's  prime  minister, 
and,  I  will  add,  it  is  hoped  that  this  advice,  coming 
from  august  lips,  will  bear  fruit.  M.  de  Cavour,  none 
the  less,  shows  himself  fully  satisfied  and  grateful  for 
the  reception  he  met  with  at  Plombières.  With  me 
he  has  entered  into  minute  details  concerning  it, 
which  prove  the  deep  and  favorable  impression  made 
upon  him  by  the  cordiality  with  which  he  was 
treated.  I  think  I  may  say  that  King  Victor  Em- 
manuel is  not  less  willing  to  display  the  joy  caused 
him  by  the  letter  of  the  Emperor." 

This  despatch  seems  to  prove  that  even  the  minis- 
ter of  France  at  Turin  was  ignorant  of  what  had 
passed  at  Plombières. 

A  characteristic  detail  is  that  the  Moniteur,  usually 
filled  with  accounts  of  the  least  acts  and  gestures  of 
the  Emperor,  did  not  speak  of  the  sovereign  during 
the  month  he  spent  at  Plombières.  The  official 
sheet  never  mentioned  the  visit  of  Count  Cavour. 
During  this  visit,  the  bearing  of  Napoleon  III.  was 
rather  that  of  a  conspirator  than  a  monarch.  At  a 
distance  from  his  wife,  he  had  arranged  his  bellicose 
plot  in  obscurity.  He  took  care  to  concentrate  pub- 
lic attention  on  the  interview  he  was  about  to  have 
with  Queen  Victoria  at  Cherbourg,  and  not  upon 
that  of  Plombières.  Well  aware  that  the  Queen 
and  Prince  were  anything  rather  than  favorable  to 


PLOMBIERES  325 

his  warlike  schemes  and  the  repartition  of  Ital}^,  he 
forced  himself  to  conceal  them.  On  the  other,  he 
was  especially  careful,  at  a  moment  when  he  was  pre- 
paring to  receive  the  enthusiastic  homage  of  pious 
Brittany,  not  to  give  an  inkling  in  such  a  province 
of  his  recent  inter\àew  with  Cavour,  the  author  of 
the  law  on  convents,  the  adversary  of  the  Pope's 
temporal  power,  the  statesman  most  suspected  by  the 
Catholic  party.  In  Brittany,  Napoleon  III.  wanted  to 
appear  under  an  essentially  religious  and  conserva- 
tive aspect. 


CHAPTER  XXXVm 

THE  CHERBOURG  INTERVIEW 

"TULY  10,  Count  Walewski,  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  notified  the  Due  de  Malakoff,  ambassador 
of  France  at  London,  that  Their  Imperial  Majesties 
would  be  at  Cherbourg  on  August  5  to  receive  the 
visit  of  Queen  Victoria  and  Prince  Albert. 

The  Marshal  replied  July  11:  "No  doubt  the 
Queen  will  be  perfectly  happy  to  meet  the  Emperor 
and  Empress  again,  and  to  receive  confirmation  of 
the  news  that  Their  Majesties  eagerly  renounce  all 
other  cares  in  order  to  devote  the  entire  5th  of 
August  to  their  illustrious  guests.  In  fact,  I  learned 
at  Aldershot  on  Jul}^  5  what  I  have  been  somewhat 
tardily  apprised  of  by  your  despatch  of  the  10th. 
The  Queen  did  me  the  honor  to  say  to  me  that  I 
had  won  a  good  and  peaceful  victory  there,  on  which 
I  bowed  respectfully  and  added  :  '  An  easy  victory, 
since  the  lofty  benevolence  of  Your  Majesty  had 
smoothed  away  the  asperities.' 

"  In  an  electric  message  from  Plombières,  July  7, 
9h.  45m.  the  Emperor  asked  me  :  '  Is  it  the  5th  of 
August  that  the  Queen  will  be  at  Cherbourg  ?  An- 
swer at  once.'  —  To  which  I  replied  Avithout  delay  : 
'  The  Queen   has  told  me  positively  that  she  will 

326 


THE  CHERBOURG  INTERVIEW  327 

arrive  on  the  4tli  and  spend  the  5th  with  Your 
Majesty.'  —  And  the  little  electric  current  estab- 
lished by  His  Majesty  with  me  ended,  July  7,  at  six 
in  the  evening,  with  these  expressions:  'I  shall  be 
happy  to  see  the  Queen  again.  We  will  be  at  Cher- 
bourg between  4  and  5.' 

"  You  doubtless  recognize  that  with  this  series  of 
informations  before  me,  I  need  not  excuse  myself 
for  finding  your  despatch  a  trifle  tardy.  I  am  not 
offended  by  it  ;  be  careful  not  to  think  so.  But  if  I 
were,  that  sentiment,  so  foreign  to  me,  would  yield 
to  the  modest  satisfaction  I  feel  at  having  succeeded 
in  putting  the  cap  cordially  on  Cherbourg." 

On  August  5,  in  fact,  at  eight  in  the  evening,  the 
French  and  British  Majesties  met  on  board  the  royal 
yacht,  the  Victoria  and  Albert,  which  had  sailed  from 
Osborne  at  noon.  The  Emperor  and  Empress  were 
received  by  Prince  Albert  at  the  foot  of  the  ladder, 
and  by  Queen  Victoria  at  the  top.  The  Emperor 
ascended  first  ;  then  the  Empress  in  a  white  and  lilac 
'silk  gown  and  a  hat  trimmed  with  white  and  black 
lace.  The  Queen  embraced  them  both,  and  then  she 
and  Prince  Albert  led  them  into  a  salon  where  the 
conversation  began.  The  Queen  says  of  it  in  her 
Journal  :  "  The  Emperor  seemed  greatly  embarrassed  ; 
the  Empress  less  so,  and  very  affable.  The  Em- 
peror anxiously  inquired  whether  the  feeling  against 
France  was  as  keen  as  ever  in  England,  and  if  peo- 
ple still  expect  an  invasion.  We  smiled,  and  said 
that  the  irritation  had  greatly  subsided,  but  that  the 


328        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

unlucky  addresses  of  the  colonels  had  done  mcal- 
culable  harm.  The  Emperor  replied  that  this  was 
also  his  opinion,  but  that  these  addresses  had  been 
made  without  his  knowledge,  and  that  he  had 
greatly  regretted  their  publication."  At  nine  o'clock 
Napoleon  III.  and  the  Empress  left  the  royal  yacht 
and  returned  to  the  maritime  prefecture  of  Cher- 
bourg. Their  visit  was  returned  there  the  next  day 
at  noon  by  the  Queen  and  Prince  Albert,  accom- 
panied by  the  Prince  of  Wales  and  the  Duke  of 
Cambridge.  Breakfast  was  served.  According  to 
the  Queen,  the  Emperor  was  close  ;  he  seemed  indis- 
posed to  talk.  After  the  repast,  the  Empress  laid 
stress  on  the  harm  done  by  newspapers,  and  de- 
scribed in  detail  the  Orsiui  outrage.  There  was  a 
drawing-room  afterwards,  where  Marshal  Vaillant, 
Count  Walewski,  M.  Rouher,  Marshal  Pélissier,  and 
Generals  Niel  and  MacjNIahon,  whom  the  Queen 
thought  "  very  amiable,"  were  among  those  present. 
Among  the  ladies  was  a  young  Spanish  girl,  iMa- 
demoiselle  Sophie  Valera  de  La  Paniega,  by  whose 
beauty  the  Queen  was  much  impressed.  She  was  a 
cousin  of  the  Empress,  who  had  brought  her  to  Cher- 
bourgf  to  show  her  to  the  Due  de  ]\lalakoff.  The  old 
soldier  found  her  charming.  He  wrote  verses  to 
her;  according  to  General  Fleury,  he  had  "the 
gentle  mania  of  composing  quatrains."  He  asked 
the  hand  of  the  beautiful  Spaniard,  and  within  a 
few  weeks  Mademoiselle  de  La  Paniega  was  the 
Marshal-Duchess  of  ^lalakoff. 


THE  CHERBOURG  INTERVIEW  329 

In  the  evening  the  Emperor  gave  his  guests  a 
dinner  on  board  the  flagship  Bretagne.  When 
what  the  Queen  calls  the  "  terrible  moment  ''  of  the 
toasts  arrived,  she  found  that  proposed  by  the  Em- 
peror superb.  "  I  drink,"  said  he,  "  to  the  health  of 
Her  Majesty  the  Queen  of  England,  and  that  of  the 
Prince  who  shares  her  throne,  and  that  of  the  royal 
family.  In  proposing  this  toast  in  their  presence  on 
board  the  flagship  in  the  harbor  of  Cherbourg,  I 
am  happy  to  display  our  sentiments  towards  them. 
In  fact,  the  facts  speak  for  themselves,  and  prove 
that  hostile  passions,  aided  by  certain  unfortunate 
incidents,  can  change  neither  the  friendship  existing 
between  the  two  crowns,  nor  the  desire  of  the  two 
peoples  to  remain  at  peace.  Hence  I  firmly  hope 
that  if  any  one  should  seek  to  revive  the  rancors  and 
passions  of  another  epoch,  they  will  be  wrecked 
against  public  good  sense,  like  waves  against  the 
dike  which  at  this  moment  shelters  the  squadrons  of 
the  two  empires  from  the  violence  of  the  sea." 

Prince  Albert  was  to  respond,  and  before  he  be- 
gan, the  Queen  experienced  what  she  describes  as 
"a  moment  of  torture  which  I  would  not  willingly 
pass  through  again."'  But  she  adds:  "Albert  got 
through  his  speech  very  well,  though  once  he  hesi- 
tated. In  the  cabin  the  Emperor  shook  hands  with 
him,  and  we  spoke  of  the  emotion  we  had  just  ex- 
perienced. The  Emperor  himself  had  changed  color, 
and  the  Empress  also  was  very  nervous.  As  to  me,  I 
was  trembling  so  that  I  could  not  swallow  my  coffee." 


330        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

On  the  whole,  the  Cherbourg  interview,  which  ended 
on  Friday,  August  6,  was  affectionate,  but  that  of 
Osborne  had  been  still  more  so.  Prince  Albert  felt 
suspicious  of  Napoleon  III.  What  might  have  been 
arranged  at  Plombières  between  the  Emperor  and 
Cavour  awakened  vague  apprehensions  in  the  Prince, 
who  had  remained  German  to  the  core.  Two  days 
after  leaving  Cherbourg  he  wrote  to  the  Duchess  of 
Kent:  "The  Emperor  was  preoccupied  and  sad. 
The  Empress  seemed  to  be  suffering.  The  prepara- 
tions of  the  French  marine  are  immense.  Ours  are 
pitiable.  Our  ministers  make  fine  speeches;  but 
they  do  not  act  :  ray  blood  boils  when  I  think  of  it." 
The  bright  days  of  the  entente  cordiale  were  over. 
Queen  Victoria  was  still  magnetized  by  Napoleon 
III.  But  the  policy  of  "  the  extraordinary  man,"  as 
she  called  the  Emperor,  disturbed  Prince  Albert  and 
the  ministers  of  Her  Britannic  Majesty. 


CHAPTER   XXXIX 

THE   TOUR   IN   BRITTANY 

AFTER  the  festivities  of  Cherbourg,  Their  Impe- 
-^^  rial  Majesties  made  a  triumphant  tour  in  Brit- 
tany. This  province,  which  they  had  not  yet  visited, 
and  whose  inhabitants  are  essentially  Catholics,  had 
long  been  reputed  the  asylum  of  the  white  flag  and  of 
legitimacy.  The  ovations  that  a  Napoleon  went  there 
to  receive  under  the  tricolor  naturally  had  a  special 
importance  for  the  Emperor.  The  prefects  set  their 
wits  to  work  to  incite  enthusiastic  manifestations,  and 
in  the  clergy  they  found  auxiliaries  as  zealous  and 
eager  as  themselves.  For  that  matter,  it  must  be 
admitted  that  no  sovereigns  had  shown  greater  def- 
erence towards  the  Church.  The  Empress  rejoiced 
in  an  excursion  which,  by  its  religious  character,  was 
transformed  into  a  vast  and  long  pilgrimage. 

The  Bretagne,  with  Their  Majesties  on  board, 
quitted  Cherbourg  August  8,  at  two  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon.  It  reached  Brest  the  next  day  at  one  in 
the  afternoon.  The  first  visit  of  Their  Majesties  was 
to  the  church  of  St.  Louis.  Mgr.  Sergent,  Bishop  of 
Quimper,  addressed  them  in  the  following  words:  — 

"  Sire  :  Christians,  and  laborers,  the  Bretons  are 
331 


332        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

grateful  for  your  love  for  religion  and  the  encourage- 
ments you  give  to  agriculture;  they  applauded  when 
a  powerful  arm  replaced  the  pyramid  on  its  base.  .  .  . 
The  children  of  Armorica,  fitted  for  labors  and  dan- 
gers, do  not  content  themsel  es  with  giving  brave 
soldiers  to  your  army,  and  to  your  fleets  sailors  whom 
all  the  world  admire;  at  the  same  time  they  supply 
the  Church  with  worthy  priests  and  excellent  mis- 
sionaries. Your  Majesty  would  be  unable  to  take  a 
step  in  their  country  without  encountering  heroic 
souvenirs,  and  every  time  you  place  confidence  in 
them  you  will  recognize  the  verity''  of  what  was  said 
b}"  one  of  their  chevaliers  when  Mary  Stuart  went  to 
Morlaix  :  No  Breton  ever  committed  treason. 

"Madame,  your  gracious  presence  reminds  this 
people  of  its  dear  duchess,  whose  royal  spouse  was 
also  the  Father  of  the  loeople.  A  voice  as  eloquent 
as  it  is  respected  had  apprised  France  that  you  were 
Catholic  and  pious.  Your  good  works  repeat  this 
daily." 

Leaving  Brest,  August  11,  they  went  from  there 
to  Quimper,  and  thence,  on  the  13th,  to  Lorient. 
Their  journey  was  a  long  ovation,  a  procession  under 
triumphal  arches.  At  Lorient  there  was  a  review. 
The  Empress  went  to  visit  the  orphan  asylum  and 
insisted  on  seeing  the  children  at  work.  Daring  the 
day  Their  ]Majestie3  set  off  for  Port  Louis  in  their 
yacht.  Here  they  visited  the  fortifications,  and 
Napoleon  III.  contemplated  with  emotion  the  citadel 
and  led  the  Empress  thither.     It  Avas  a  place  which 


THE  TOUR  IN  BRITTANY  333 

evoked  souvenirs  strangely  in  contrast  with  the  present 
ovations.  Condemned  to  deportation  after  the  un- 
successful attempt  of  Strasburg,  he  had  arrived  at 
the  citadel  of  Port  Louis  in  the  night  of  November 
13-14,  1836,  and  until  the  21st  contrary  winds  had 
prevented  the  frigate  Andromeda,  which  was  to  con- 
vey him  to  the  United  States,  from  lea^^ng  the  port. 
During  his  stay  at  the  citadel,  the  wife  of  a  guard 
of  engineers,  Madame  Perreaux,  had  lavished  on  him 
the  most  respectful  attentions.  He  did  not  forget 
her.  August  14,  1858,  he  met  this  dame  again, 
happy,  as  she  told  him,  to  see  him  again  before  she 
died.  The  Emperor  spoke  kindly  to  her  and  assured 
the  future  of  her  famil3\ 

August  15,  the  Emperor  and  Empress  quitted 
Lorient  at  eight  in  the  morning  and  arrived  at  eleven 
at  Sainte- Anne-d'Auray. 

Sainte-Anne-d'Auray  is  classic  Brittany,  legendary 
Brittany.  For  centuries  all  old  Armorica  has  come 
regularly  to  invoke  there  the  good  saint,  the  good 
mother  of  the  Bretons.  The  pardons  arrive  there 
in  procession  and  in  long  lines.  All  the  populations, 
from  Saint-Brieuc  to  Angers,  from  the  Channel  to 
the  Loire,  hasten  eagerly  to  the  venerated  sanctuary. 
For  the  last  two  centuries  the  sailors  of  the  neigh- 
borhood have  come  to  make  the  rounds  of  the  church 
in  procession,  bearing  the  model  of  a  warship,  and 
chanting  an  old  hymn  of  thanksgiving  in  gratitude 
to  St.  Anne  for  having,  in  1673,  protected  their  fore- 
fathers in  a  fight  against  Ruyter's  fleet.     The  walls 


334        TUE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

of  the  sanctuary  and  of  the  cloister  are  hung  with 
ex  votos. 

Almost  opposite  the  church,  in  the  middle  of  the 
field  of  Thorns,  a  barren  space,  with  scanty  grqss, 
which  a  few  scrawny  trees  shelter  poorly  from  the 
sun,  rises  in  open  air  the  Scala  jSancta,  a  double  stair- 
case by  which  one  goes  up  to  and  comes  down  from 
a  chapel.  At  the  foot  of  it  is  an  inscription  in 
French  and  in  Breton  :  "  This  staircase  is  ascended 
only  on  the  knees."  And  the  delegations  of  pil- 
grims are  drawn  up  in  echelons  all  along  its  steps, 
on  each  of  which  one  should  say  a  Pater  and  an  Ave. 
The  altar  of  this  chapel  is  called  the  pilgrims'  altar. 
Divine  service  is  celebrated  there  but  once  a  year, 
July  26,  the  feast  of  Saint  Anne.  But,  by  excep- 
tion, it  was  going  to  be  celebrated  this  year  on  the 
15th  of  August,  the  Emperor's  name  day,  but  also 
the  Feast  of  the  Assumption. 

On  entering  the  city.  Their  Majesties  passed  under 
an  arch  of  triumph,  placed  on  the  Blavet  Bridge  by 
the  workmen  of  the  port,  and  bearing  the  inscrip- 
tion :  "  The  workmen  of  Auray  to  the  Emperor  and 
the  Empress."  A  little  further  on,  the  imperial 
cortège  met  the  Brothers  of  the  Christian  Schools 
taking  their  pupils  to  Mass.  The  little  ones  ranged 
themselves  on  either  side  of  the  road  and  chanted  the 
Domine  salvum  fac  Imperatorem^  and  the  Emperor 
responded  by  a  few  kindly  words.  As  they  neared 
Saint  Anne's  the  procession  passed  under  a  second  tri- 
umphal arch,  with  the  inscriptions:  "August  15, 1858, 


THE   TOUR  IN  BBITTANT  335 


Rome  and  Crimea.  Flat  manus  tua  super  virum  dex- 
terce  tuœ.'"  On  the  threshold  of  the  sanctuary  Their 
Majesties  were  received  by  the  bishop,  the  clergy,  and 
the  students  of  the  Little  Seminary.  To  the  address 
of  the  bishop,  invoking  blessings  on  the  imperial 
family,  His  Majesty  replied  :  "  Monseigneur,  I  am 
much  affected  by  the  words  you  have  just  spoken. 
There  are  days  when  sovereigns  should  set  an  exam- 
ple. There  are  others  on  which  they  should  follow 
that  of  others.  That  is  wh}^,  obeying  the  custom 
of  the  country,  I  have  wished  to  come  here  on  my 
feast  day  to  ask  of  God  that  which  is  the  object  of 
all  my  efforts,  all  my  hopes:  the  happiness  of  the 
people  which  has  called  me  to  govern  it.  I  am 
happy  to  be  received  by  a  prelate  so  venerated,  and 
I  rely  on  your  prayers  to  draw  down  upon  me  the 
Divine  blessing." 

At  Rennes,  where  he  arrived  August  19,  the 
Emperor's  first  visit  was  likewise  to  the  cathedral. 
On  its  threshold,  Mgr.  Brossais-Saint-Marc,  bishop 
of  the  city,  said  to  him:  "It  is  especially  befitting 
for  the  clergy  to  offer  a  tribute  of  gratitude  to  you, 
Sire,  the  heir  of  the  restorer  of  our  holy  religion; 
to  you  the  supporter  of  the  Papacy  in  the  nineteenth 
century;  to  you,  of  all  French  monarchs  since  Saint 
Louis  the  most  devoted  to  the  Church  and  its  work 
of  civilization  and  progress." 

Then  turning  towards  the  Empress,  the  Bishop  of 
Rennes  added:  "And  you,  gentle,  gracious  Princess, 
who  have  wished  to  know  tlie  Bretons  and  make  a 


336        THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

pious  pilgrimage  to  their  glorious  patroness,  you  in 
whose  veins  flows  the  blood  of  the  Dominies  and  the 
Teresas,  on  whose  forehead  glows  a  nameless  some- 
thing which  wins  all  hearts,  and  whose  life  is  spent 
in  making  others  happy,  can  you  be  forgotten  in 
this  concert  of  homage  and  prayer?  No!  no!  Come; 
a  throne  is  raised  for  you  near  that  of  your  spouse, 
in  that  place  where  Anne  of  Brittany  used  to  pray, 
she  whom  our  peasants  still  call  the  good  duchess^ 
who  was  the  wife  of  the  Father  of  the  people^  the  idol 
of  her  subjects,  with  whom  Your  Majesty  has  so 
many  points  of  resemblance  in  grace  and  beauty." 

So  pleased  was  the  Emperor  by  this  language  that 
on  the  instant  he  decided  that  the  bishopric  of 
Rennes  should  become  an  archbishoj)ric.  It  was 
concerning  this  tour,  which  ended  at  Saint-Cloud 
August  21,  that  Louis  Veuillot  wrote  in  the  Uixivers: 
"  The  journey  is  a  religious  event  ;  it  will  have  a 
considerable  influence  in  the  world.  The  Emperor 
has  performed  an  act  and  spoken  words  which  are 
worth  more  than  a  battle.  We  are  reproached  with 
our  imperialist  zeal  ;  that  zeal  is  in  the  first  place  for 
religion,  next  for  civil  peace,  and  finally  for  French 
glory — three  things  which  will  preserve  liberty."  It 
was  at  the  moment  when  it  was  to  be  overclouded 
that  the  alliance  between  the  Empire  and  the  Church 
shed  its  most  brilliant  beams. 

September  of  this  year  was  spent  by  the  imperial 
family  at  Biarritz.  The  early  days  of  October  were 
devoted  to  the  camp  of  Chalons,  and  by  the  12th  the 


THE  TOUR  IN  BRITTANY  337 

sovereigns  had  returned  to  Saint-Cloud,  where,  on 
that  evening,  the  nuptial  benediction  was  given  by 
the  Bishop  of  Nancy  to  the  Due  de  Malakoff  and  the 
charming  Mademoiselle  de  La  Paniega,  cousin  of  the 
Empress.  Here  they  remained  until  November, 
when  they  went  to  spend  five  weeks  at  Compiègne, 
inviting  a  different  set  of  guests  for  each  week. 
Among  them  were  Lord  and  Lady  Palmerston,  Lord 
Clarendon,  Lord  Cowley,  the  English  ambassador  at 
Paris,  and  Lady  Cowley.  It  was  during  these  weeks 
of  pleasure  that  certain  disquietudes,  very  vague  as 
yet,  began  to  outline  themselves,  though  no  one  dared 
to  hint  at  their  existence.  Sagacious  minds  already 
divined  that  the  Emperor  was  meditating  some 
adventurous  schemes.  To  Lord  Palmerston,  and 
especially  to  Lord  Clarendon,  he  confided  things  that 
troubled  them.  He  was  careful  to  say  nothing  defi- 
nite, so  as  not  to  affect  them  too  seriously.  He  con- 
fined himself  to  generalities,  but  these  generalities 
had  a  suspicious  character.  He  talked  of  the  prin- 
ciple of  nationalities  ;  but,  even  while  admitting  that 
the  good  relations  between  France  and  Russia  pre- 
vented anything  being  done  for  Poland,  he  declared 
that  he  hoped  to  see  Italy  freed  from  Austrian  domi- 
nation. He  flattered  himself  that  England  would 
befriend  such  a  scheme  and  Russia  likewise.  Napo- 
leon III.  was  encouraged  by  neither  Lord  Palmerston 
nor  Lord  Clarendon.  The  latter  exclaimed,  insisted 
on  the  dangers  of  the  enterprise,  on  the  scanty  profit 
which  France  could  derive  from  it,  on  the  uncertain- 


338        TUE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

ties  of  a  struggle  in  Avhich,  as  he  said,  Austria, 
attacked  in  her  honor,  would  spend  her  last  man  and 
her  last  dollar. 

The  English  ambassador.  Lord  Cowley,  made 
haste  to  inform  Queen  Victoria  of  the  confidences 
made  by  the  Emperor  to  his  guests.  The  Queen  was 
so  much  alarmed  that  she  wrote  to  an  old  friend  of 
Napoleon  III.,  Lord  Malmesbury,  to  acquaint  him 
with  her  apprehensions.  "  All  that  can  be  done  to 
dissuade  the  Emperor  from  a  war  in  Italy,"  she  said 
in  this  letter,  "must  be  done  without  delay.  He 
does  not  reflect  ;  he  sees  only  what  he  wishes.  If  he 
makes  war  in  Italy,  he  will  be  dragged,  according  to 
all  probability,  into  a  war  with  Germany  ;  that  war 
would  include  Belgium,  and  if,  in  consequence  of 
our  guarantees,  we  are  mixed  up  in  the  quarrel, 
France  might  have  all  Europe  against  her,  as  in 
1814-1815." 

The  tone  taken  by  certain  Parisian  journals  was  not 
calculated  to  reassure  the  alarmists.  An  intimate 
of  Prince  Napoleon,  M.  Guéroult,  wrote  in  the  press  : 
"  We  do  not  like  war,  and  we  hope  it  will  disappear, 
some  day,  from  the  surface  of  Europe  ;  but  we  should 
like  to  see  one  war,  and  to  have  it  directed  against 
Austria."  As  Napoleon  III.  and  his  cousin  were  not 
always  of  one  mind,  not  much  importance  was  at  first 
attached  to  this  article,  but  when  an  official  sheet, 
the  Patrie,  talked  in  the  same  strain  a  few  days  later, 
the  public  became  more  anxious.  This  was  so  evi- 
dent that,  before   leaving  Compiègne,  the  Emperor, 


THE  TOUR  IN  BRITTANY  339 

as  yet  unwilling  to  unmask  his  schemes,  had  the 
following  note  inserted  in  the  Moniteur:  "A  discus- 
sion kept  up  with  regrettable  persistence  by  different 
Parisian  journals  seems  to  have  caused  an  uneasiness 
which  our  relations  with  the  foreign  powers  do  not 
justify  in  the  slightest  degree.  The  government  of 
the  Emperor  feels  bound  to  caution  the  public  against 
the  effects  of  a  discussion  calculated  to  change  our 
relations  with  a  power  allied  to  France." 

The  next  day,  December  5,  the  court  quitted  the 
château  of  Compiègne,  and  Their  Majesties  installed 
themselves  with  their  son  in  the  palace  of  the  Tuile- 
ries. The  close  of  the  year  was  not  marked  by  any 
incident.  Apprehensions  continued,  but  they  still 
remained  vague.  They  did  not  define  themselves 
until  January  1,  1859,  when  Napoleon  III.,  receiving 
the  diplomatic  body,  addressed  to  the  Austrian  am- 
bassador. Baron  Hiibner,  a  phrase  which  was  the 
signal  for  the  war  of  Italy. 


INDEX 


Abd-ul-Medjid,  Sultan,  his  inter- 
viev/  with  Thouveuel,  after  the 
breaking  off  of  diplomatic  rela- 
tions with  Turkey,  174. 

Albert,  Prince,  objects  to  Prussia 
being  represented  at  the  Paris 
Congress,  33;  writes  Baron 
Stockmar  his  impressions  of  the 
Due  de  ilalakoff,  303. 

Alexander  II.,  of  Russia,  his  rela- 
tions with  Morn  J',  85  et  seq.  ; 
why  he  sent  Kisseleff  to  France 
as  ambassador,  86;  his  corona- 
tion, 92  et  seq.  ;  calls  first  on 
Napoleon  III.  at  Stuttgart,  215; 
sends  the  Empress  word  to 
come  immediately  to  Stuttgart, 
217  ;  his  final  interview  with 
Napoleon  III.  at  Stuttgart  de- 
scribed in  the  Revue  des  Deux 
Mondes  of  Dec.  31,  1888,  220; 
his  attitude  toward  Francis 
Joseph  of  Austria  at  the  Weimar 
interview,  220  et  seq. 

All  Pasha,  Grand-Vizier,  his  letter 
to  M.  Thouveuel,  47;  quoted 
concerning  the  question  of  the 
Principalities,  108. 

Austria,  objects  to  the  union  of 
theDanubian  Principalities,  1G7, 
168. 

Barrot,  Adolphe,  French  minister 
at  Brussels,  sends  Saint-Amand 
to  P.iris  ministry  of  Foreign  Af- 
fairs with  a  despatch  announcing 
a  plot  against  the  life  of  Napo- 
leon III.,  223. 

Baudin,  charge  d'affaires  of  Franca 
at  St.  Petersburg,  his  despatch 
concerning  the  Stuttgart  inter- 
view, 227,  223. 


Benedetti,  director  of  political 
affairs  in  the  French  foreign 
office,  his  letters  to  Thouvenel 
concerning  the  results  of  the 
Osborne  interview,  182;  to  the 
same  concerning  the  Stuttgart 
interview,  229,  230;  his  opinion 
of  Cavour,  314,  315. 

Beranger,  his  death  and  funeral, 
164. 

Bernard,  Simon,  co-conspirator 
with  Orsini,  23(i;  tried  and 
acquitted  in  England,  303; 
painful  impression  produced  by 
his  acquittal,  304,  305. 

Bismarck,  Prince,  his  policy  a  sur- 
vival from  the  Middle  Ages,  8. 

Bocher,  Captain  Charles,  letter 
quoted,  44. 

Bonaparte,  Jerome,  presides  at 
banquet  to  officers  of  the  Cri- 
mean War,  123. 

Borgo,  Duchess  Pozzo  di,  gives  a 
legitimist  fête  in  honor  of  the 
Paris  Congress,  46. 

Brigode,  Countess  de,  her  costume 
at  the  ball  at  the  Foreign  Affairs, 
132. 

Broglie,  Due  de,  pays  formal  visit 
to  the  Tuileries  on  being  elected 
academician  ;  what  Napoleon  III. 
said  to  him,  162. 

Cambridge,  Duke  of,  visits  Napo- 
leon III.  .at  the  camp  of  Chalons, 
204,  205. 

Cardigan,  Lord,  visits  Napoleon 
in.  at  the  camp  of  Chalons, 
204,  205. 

Castellane,  ^Marshal  de,  describes 
Prince  Frederic  William,  of 
Prussia,    118;    describes    Maxi- 


341 


342 


INDEX 


milian  IL,  of  Bavaria,  142;  de- 
scribes Count  Charles  Tascher 
de  La  Pagerie,  142. 

Castiglione,  Couutesa  de,  account 
of,  133,  134. 

Cavour,  Ciimillo  Benso,  Count  of, 
brings  up  the  Italian  question  at 
the  Paris  Congress,  12  ;  empha- 
sizes Italian  grievances,  41  ; 
sketch  of  his  career,  310  et  seq.; 
the  creator  of  the  Italian  ques- 
tion, 313  ;  why  he  induced  Victor 
Emmanuel  to  send  trooj)s  to  the 
Crimea,  314. 

Chaillou,  Count  Amelot  de,  Minis- 
ter of  France  at  Buenos  Ayres 
and  at  Brazil,  his  costume  at 
the  Foreign  Affairs  ball,  134, 
13.5. 

Codrington,  English  commander- 
in-chief  in  the  Crimea,  52. 

Conches,  Feuillet  de,  procures  an 
eagle's  quill  for  the  signatures 
to  the  treaty  of  Paris,  36. 

Couneau,  Doctor,  the  confidant  of 
Napoleon  III.  at  Ham,  and  his 
secret  messenger  to  Turin  in 
1858, 11,  315,  319. 

Coustantine,  Russian  Grand  Duke, 
visits  Napoleon  III.,  137  et  seq. 

Cornu,  Madame,  describes  the 
Emperor  as  child  and  man,  4,  5; 
says  he  had  dreamed  from  child- 
hood of  driving  the  Austrians 
out  of  Italy,  10,  11  ;  that  his 
temperament  was,  in  many  re- 
spects, feminine,  20. 

Corps  Le'gislatif,  new  election  to, 
163,  164. 

Damremont,  Countess  de,  describes 
Paris  at  the  time  of  the  Congress, 
34,  35. 

Danubiau  Principalities,  166  et 
seq. 

Darimon,  Alfred,  his  opinion  of 
the  "law  of  general  security," 
284;  his  Histoire  de  douze  ans 
quoted,  286. 


Disraeli,  Benjamin,  what  he 
thought  of  the  peroration  of 
the  Emperor's  speech  after  the 
Orsini  outrage,  253. 

Dufour,  General,  military  precep- 
tor of  Napoleon  III.,  9. 


England,  averse  to  the  union  of  the 
Danubian  Principalities,  168, 
171,  172;  relations  with  France 
disturbed  by  the  addresses  of  the 
French  colonels,  281  et  seq. 

Espinasse,  General,  279-288. 

Euge'uie,  delighted  that  her  child 
Avas  the  sou  of  the  Church  and 
not  merely  the  son  of  France, 
13;  more  entertained  by  things 
of  the  mind  than  by  those  of 
art,   20;  her    beauty  described, 

21  ;  presented  with  the  Golden 
Rose,  68;  her  letter  to  Isabella 
of  Spain  before  her  marriage, 
176  ;  visits  Saint  Sebastian,  Span- 
ish soil,  from  Biarritz,  195. 

Favre,  Jules,  Orsini's  advocate, 
272;  his  oratory  described,  274, 
275. 

Fay,  General,  his  Souvenirs  quoted, 
44,53. 

Figaro,    The,   its  sale  forbidden, 

22  ;  its  ingenious  letter  to  the 
Prince  Imperial,  22,  23. 

Filleul,  Adèle,  protectress  of  young 
de  Morny,  73,  74. 

Fleury,  General,  describes  floods 
at  Avignon,  56;  his  Mémoires 
quoted,  59,  65,  72,  93,  201, 
218;  describes  de  Morny,  77, 
78. 

Francis  Joseph,  of  Austria,  seeks 
interview  with  Alexander  IL,  of 
Russia,  at  Weimar,  222,  223. 

Frederic  William,  Prince  of  Prus- 
sia, more  cordially  received  than 
any  other  prince  who  visited 
Paris  during  the  Second  Empire, 
115  ;  described,  118. 


INDEX 


343 


Gibsou,  Milner,  his  motion  in  the 
House  of  Commons  on  the  second 
reading  of  the  Conspiracy  Bill, 
and  its  result,  294:. 

Gomez,  co-conspirator  with  Orsini, 
236;  his  arrest,  245;  sentenced 
to  compulsory  labor  for  life, 
276. 

Gorce,  de  La,  statistics  of  the 
Crimean  War,  42,  43  ;  his  His- 
toire du  Second  Empire  quoted, 
52,  70  ;  praises  the  Emperor's 
choice  of  words,  1(J2;  quoted  on 
the  transiiortations  to  Algeria, 
286. 

Gortchakoff,  Russian  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  his  sentiments 
towards  France,  84;  quoted  by 
M.  Baudiii  with  regard  to  the 
Stuttgart  interview,  227. 

Guéronnière,  Vicomte  de  La,  de- 
scribes Comte  de  Morny  in  his 
youth,  75. 


Hatzfeldt,  Prussian  plenipoten- 
tiary at  Paris  Congress,  33; 
fêtes  the  members  of  the  Con- 
gress at  the  Prussian  embassy, 
46. 

Haussmann,  Baron,  prefect  of 
Paris,  admits  that  the  transfor- 
mation of  that  city  was  the  per- 
sonal work  of  Napoleon  III.,  6, 7. 

Haussonville,  Comte  d',  describes 
the  manner  in  which  legitimist 
society  received  young  Walew- 
ski,  27. 

Havrard,his  France  artistique  et 
monumental,  quoted,  187. 

Hébert,  police  officer,  remembers 
Pieri,  225;  recognizes  and  ai'- 
rests  him,  241. 

Heine,  Heinrich,  155. 

He'lene,  Grand-duchess  of  Russia, 
her  interview  with  Vicomte  de 
Serre,  225. 

Hervé,  Edouard,  academician,  de- 
scribes a   reigning  beauty,  13-i. 


Ideville,  Comte  Henri  d',  a  tribute 
to  the  Comtesse  de  Castiglione 
quoted  from  his  Journal  d'un 
Diplomate,  134. 

Isabella,  Queen  of  Spain,  her  letter 
to  Mademoiselle  de  Montijo  be- 
fore her  marriage,  197. 

Kherédine,  General,  envoy  of  the 
Bey  of  Tunis,  afterwards  Grand 
Vizier  of  the  Sultan,  136. 

La  Tour  d'Auvergne,  Prince  de, 
notifies  Walewski  of  a  projected 
attempt  on  the  lite  of  Napo- 
leon IIL,  254;  private  letter  to 
Walewski,  260,  261;  despatch 
from,  266;  letter  on  the  inter- 
view   at    Plombières,  323,   324. 

Lhuys,  Drouyn  de,  resigns  the 
Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
29. 

Louvre,  opening  of  the  new,  186- 
191. 

MacMahon,  General,  the  only 
senator  who  opposed  the  law 
of  general  security,  2S(). 

Mauteuffel,  Baron,  Prussiau  pleni- 
potentiary at  Paris  Congress, 
33. 

Maximilian  IL,  of  Bavaria,  visits 
Napoleon  III.,  142  et  seq. 

]\Iehemet,  Djemil  Bey,  Turkish 
ambassador  to  Paris  Congress, 
47;  hint  given  him  by  Napo- 
leon III.  concerning  the  electoral 
frauds  in  Moldavia,  172-173. 

Me'loizes,  Vicomte  des,  French  min- 
ister at  Weimar,  despatch  from, 
223. 

Me'neval,  Baron  de,  despatches  to 
Walewski  concerning  the  visit  of 
the  Bavarian  king,  145  et  seq. 

Mesnard,  Vice-President  of  Senate, 
twitted  by  the  Empress  with  his 
opposition  to  her  marriage,  20, 
21. 

Moldavia,  union  of,  with  Wallachia 


344 


INDEX 


proposed  at  the  Congress  of  Paris 
by  the  French  plenipotentiary, 
167. 

Moltko,  General,  visits  Paris  in 
185G,  115. 

Morny,  Comte  de,  his  origin  and 
early  career,  72  et  seq.;  ambas- 
sador extraordinary  to  Alexan- 
der II.,  73;  his  first  meeting 
with  Napoleon  III.,  16;  charac- 
terized, 80,  81  ;  received  coldly 
by  the  Empress  Dowager  of 
Russia,  SL'  ;  his  relations  with 
Alexander  II.  and  with  Gort- 
chakoflt,  85  et  seq.  ;  did  not  brag 
of  his  origin  in  Paris  but  ad- 
vertised it  in  Moscow,  92;  de- 
spatch on  Russian  sentiment 
towards  France,  103  et  seq.; 
his  foresight  and  steadiness  of 
mind,  111  et  seq.  ;  his  despatches 
of  unsurpassed  excellence,  112; 
his  speech  in  the  Corps  Légis- 
latif after  the  Orsini  outrage, 
249. 

Napoleon  III.,  not  a  dreamer,  but 
a  man  of  action,  5  ;  a  cosmo- 
politan sovereign,  7  ;  begins  to 
conspire  for  the  war  of  Italy 
in  1856,  8,  9;  thought  it  his 
providential  mission  to  cancel 
the  treaties  of  1815,  10;  for  a 
sovereign  a  very  good  husband, 
19,  20;  never  hinted  his  ul- 
terior schemes  to  his  wife,  23; 
opens  the  parliamentary  session, 
126;  demands  the  quashing  of 
the  Moldavian  elections,  173; 
breaks  off  diplomatic  relations 
with  Turkey,  173,  171;  visits 
Queen  Victoria  at  Osborne  and 
succeeds  in  inducing  England  to 
disavow  the  action  of  Lord  Strat- 
ford de  Redcliffe,  173  et  seq.  ; 
his  letter  to  Queen  Victoria, 
180,  181  ;  his  speech  at  the  open- 
ing of  the  New  Louvre,  r.X): 
initiates     agricultural     experi- 


ments in  the  Landes,  192,  193; 
his  speech  at  the  camp  of  Cha- 
lons, 202,  203;  a  fatalist  and 
fearless,  232;  appoints  the  Em- 
press regent  in  case  of  his 
death,  255;  in  spite  of  the  Or- 
sini outrage  retains  his  Ital- 
ian sympathies,  261  ;  goes  to 
Cherbourg  to  meet  Victoria 
and  Prince  Albert,  327  et  seq.  ; 
meets  Cavour  by  secret  appoint- 
ment at  Plombières,  317-325; 
begins  to  show  his  •  hand,  337 
et  seq. 
Napoleon,  Prince,  envoy  to  Ber- 
lin and  Dresden,  149  et  seq.  ; 
sends  Humboldt  the  grand  cross 
of  the  Legion  of  Honor,  153; 
his  marriage  with  the  Princess 
Clotilde  urged  by  Napoleon  III. 
at  the  Plombières  interview, 
323. 

Ollivier,  Emile,  opposes  the  law  of 
general  securitj',  285. 

Orloff,  Count,  Russian  plenipo- 
tentiary at  the  Paris  Congress, 
35;  his  remark  to  Cavour  con- 
cerning the  Austrian  plenipoten- 
tiary, 38. 

Orsini,  Felix,  plans  attempt  on 
the  life  of  Napoleon  in.,  235 
et  seq.;  his  arrest,  245;  his  let- 
ters to  Napoleon  HI.,  273,  274, 
276,  277;  sentenced,  276;  exe- 
cuted, 277,  278. 


Palmerston,  Lord,  prepares  the 
Conspiracy  Bill,  292;  goes  out 
of  oince  after  its  second  reading, 
294  ;  remarks  to  de  Persigny 
that  this  was  the  second  time  he 
had  been  turned  out  of  the  min- 
istry on  account  of  France  and 
the  Emperor,  205  :  disturbed  by 
the  confidences  made  him  by 
Napoleou  UI.  at  Saint-Cloud, 
336. 


INDEX 


345 


Patiizzi,  Cardinal,  Papal  Legate, 
61. 

Pelissier,  Marshal  Duc  de  Mala- 
koff,  telegram  from  Sebastopol 
to  Minister  of  War,  2;  de- 
spatch from  Sebastopol,  57; 
made  ambassador  to  England, 
302;  his  meeting  with  the  Due 
d'Aumale  in  Hyde  Park,  209; 
his  marriage,  337. 

Persigny,  Count  de,  289  et  seq. 

Fieri,  Italian  conspirator,  accom- 
plice of  Orsini,  234,  235;  sen- 
tenced, 276;  executed,  277,  278. 

Pinard,  Ernest,  describes  the  Em- 
peror's manner,  4,6,  7;  describes 
Walewski,  30;  describes  Morny, 
78,  79. 

Prince  Imperial,  Pio  Nono's  god- 
son, 13;  his  baptism  at  Notre 
Dame,  60  et  seq. 

Redcliffe,  Lord  Stratford  de,  Eng- 
lish ambassador  at  Constanti- 
nople, his  attitude  concerning 
the  Principalities,  168  ;  offends 
France  by  publicly  celebrating 
the  anniversary  of  Waterloo  at 
Pera,  171  ;  obliged  to  nullify 
his  action  at  Constantinople, 
182. 

Ristori,  Madame,  describes  the 
appearance  of  Napoleon  III.  just 
after  the  Orsini  attempt,  243, 
244. 

Rothan,  Gustave,  describes  the 
final  interview  at  Stuttgart  be- 
tween Napoleon  III.  and  the 
Czar,  220. 

Rudio,  Charles  de,  conspires  with 
Orsini,  2-36;  arrested,  246;  sen- 
tenced, 276. 

Serre,  Vicomte  de,  minister  of 
France  at  Carlsruhe,  despatches 
from,  210,  224,  225,  226. 

Sibour,  Archbishop  of  Paris,  as- 
sassinated, 120,  121. 


Talleyrand-Pe'rigord,  Baron,  rei>- 
resents  France  in  the  European 
commission,   172. 

Thiers,  buys  the  Messager  news- 
paper from  Walewski,  28; 
quoted,  32;  homage  paid  him 
by  Napoleon  III.,  127. 

Thouvenel,  French  minister  at 
Constantinople,  34;  criticises 
the  foreign  policy  of  France, 
169,  170;  begins  to  understand 
the  personal  policy  of  Napoleon 
in.,  170,  171;  complains  of 
the  electoral  methods  of  Vogo- 
rides,  172;  his  interview  with 
Abd-ul-Medjid,  174;  quoted  on 
the  resumption  of  diplomatic 
relations,  183. 

Thouvenel,  Louis,  his  Three 
Years  of  the  Oriental  Questio/i 
quoted,  167  et  seq. 

Treaty  of  Paris,  stipulations  of 
the,  37  et  .vq. 

Troplong,  President  of  Senate, 
248,  249. 


Verger,  assassin  of  Mgr.  Sibour, 
122. 

Victor  Emmanuel,  sends  Delia 
Rocca  to  Paris,  258;  Napoleon 
III.  Mished  him  to  marry  a  Ho- 
henzollern  princess,  2r)9;  his 
little  game  with  Delia  Rocca, 
2(15;  averse  to  marrying  the 
Princess  Clotilde  to  Prince  Na- 
poleon, 323. 

Victoria,  Queen,  praises  Euge'nie 
and  il.  de  Persigny,  178;  de- 
scribes the  visit  of  Napoleon  III. 
to  Osborne  as  "politically  a 
blessing  from  Heaven,"  179; 
delighted  by  his  praise  of  Prince 
Albert,  182;  visits  Cherbourg 
unannounced,  183;  meets  Na- 
poleon III.  at  Cherbourg  by  ap- 
pointment, 326  et  seq.  ;  writes 
to  Malmesbury  that  she  fears  the 
Emperor  may  unite  all  Europe 


346 


INDEX 


against  him  in  another  war, 
338. 
Vogorides,  Prince,  lieutenant-gov- 
ernor at  Yassy,  employs  force  and 
fraud  in  the  Moldavian  elections, 
172. 

Walewski,  Count,  leader  of  French 
diplomacy  in  1856,  25  ;  reputed 
son  of  Napoleon  I.,  26;  his 
career  in  France  from  1829  to 


1854,  27  et  seq.  ;  Saint-Amand 
owes  his  entry  to  diplomacy  to 
him,  3();  formulates  the  Jîo- 
man  Question  at  the  Paris  Con- 
gress, 40;  a  despatch  from 
him  to  Persigny  the  heginning 
of  complications  with  England, 
291. 

Zamoyski,  Polish  envoy  to  Eng- 
land, 27. 


THE   SECOND    EMPIRE 

Bv  IMBERT  DE  SAINT-AMAXD. 


CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S  SONS,   PUBLISHERS. 


THE  COURT  OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE, 
i8y6-i8^8. 

With  Four  Portraits.     Price,  $1.50. 

The  three  years  bridging  the  time  from  the  Crimean  to  the  Italian  war 
of  1859  form  the  epochs  treated  in  the  latest  of  M.  de  Saint-Amand's 
books.  The  author  follows  the  course  of  public  events  in  a  brilliant 
chronicle  of  the  treaty  of  Paris,  the  baptism  of  the  Prince  Imperial,  the 
Coronation  of  the  Czar  Alexander  II.,  the  attempted  assassination  by 
Orsini  and  his  fellow-conspirators  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  and  the 
diplomatic  meetings  which  prepared  the  way  for  the  war  for  Italian  libera- 
tion. The  secret  history  of  this  movement,  contemplated  by  Napoleon 
as  soon  as  the  Crimean  war  had  closed,  and  pursued  by  him  with  equal 
skill  and  success,  is  also  strikingly  unfolded. 


LOUIS  NAPOLEON  AND  MADEMOISELLE 
DE  MONTIJO. 

With  Two  Portraits.     Price,  j?l. SO. 

This  volume  begins  the  author's  elaborate  study  of  the  history  of 
France  during  the  reign  of  Napoleon  III.  The  accession  of  the  new 
dynasty  marked  a  new  era  which  in  its  own  way  and  under  the  changed 
conditions  of  modern  times,  recalled  the  brilliancy  of  the  First  Empire. 
In  this  initial  volume  the  author  shows  the  development  of  Louis  Napo- 
leon's character  from  the  days  of  his  early  childhood,  through  his  varied 
experiences  in  Italy,  Switzerland,  England  and  America  ;  his  fiascos  of 
Strasburg  and  Boulogne  ;  his  long  imprisonment  and  escape  ;  his  return 
to  France,  and  election,  first  to  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  then  to  the 
Presidency  of  the  Republic,  and  finally  the  loup  d'itat  and  the  proclam.a- 
tion  anew  of  the  Empire.  The  charming  young  Empress  EugJnie  makes 
a  delightful  companion  portrait. 


NAPOLEON  III.  AND  HIS  COURT. 

With  Four  Portraits.     Price,  $1.50. 

The  second  volume  of  the  new  Napoleonic  series  covers  the  period 
from  the  proclamation  of  the  .Second  Empire  to  the  birth  of  the  Prince 
Imperial  in  1856.  It  is  the  period  of  the  alliance  of  France  and  England 
and  the  Crimean  War,  of  which  latter  it  is  one  of  the  most  effective  con- 
densed accounts  existing.  The  volume  is  full  of  striking  historic  portraits, 
Marshals  Canrobert  and  Pélissier,  the  F.mperor  Nicholas,  the  I'rincess 
Mathilde,  M.  Urouyn  de  Lhuys  and  others,  that  agreeably  vary  the  nar- 
rative, itself  crowded  with  interesting  and  rapidly  succeeding  events. 


FAMOUS    WOMEN    OF    THE    FRENCH    COURT. 


"  In  these  translations  of  this  interesting  series  of  sketches,  we  have 
found  an  unexpected  amount  of  pleasure  and  profit.  The  author  cites 
for  us  passages  from  forgotten  diaries,  hitherto  unearthed  letters,  extracts 
from  public  proceedings,  and  the  like,  and  contrives  to  combine  and 
arrange  his  material  so  as  to  make  a  great  many  very  vivid  and  pleas- 
ing pictures.  Nor  is  this  all.  The  material  he  lays  before  us  is  of  real 
value,  and  mtich,  if  not  tnost  of  it,  vittst  be  unknown  save  to  the  special 
students  of  the  period.  We  can,  therefore,  cordially  commetid  these 
books  to  the  attention  of  our  readers.  They  will  find  them  attractive  in 
their  arrangement,  never  dull,  with  much  variety  of  scene  and  incident, 
and  admirably  translated."  —  The  Nation. 

"  Indeed,  a  certain  sanity  of  vision  is  one  of  M.  de  Saint-AmancTs 
characteristics.  .  .  .  He  evidently  finds  it  no  diffi-ctdt  task  to  do  justice 
to  Legitimist  and  Imperialist,  to  the  old  world  that  came  to  an  end  with 
the  Revolution  and  to  the  new  zvorld  that  sprang  from  the  old  world^s 
ashes.  A^or  do  his  qualifications  as  a  popular  historian  end  here.  He 
has  the  gift  of  so  marshalling  his  facts  as  to  leave  a  definite  impression. 
These  are  but  short  books  on  great  subjects  ;  for  M.  de  Saint- Amand  is 
7iot  at  all  content  to  chronicle  the  court  life  of  his  three  heroines,  and 
writes  almost  more  fully  about  their  times  than  he  does  about  themselves  ; 
but  yet  comparatively  short  as  the  books  may  be,  they  tell  their  stoty,  in 
many  respects,  better  than  some  histories  of  greater  pretensions."  —  The 
Academy,  London. 

FOUR   VOLUMES  ON   WOMEN  OF  THE   VALOIS  AND   VERSAILLES  COURTS. 

Each  with  Portraits,  $1.25.    Price  per  set,  in  box,  cloth,  $5.00;  half  calf,  $10.00. 

WOMEN    OF  THE  VALOIS   COURT. 
THE  COURT  OF   LOUIS  XIV. 
THE   COURT  OF   LOUIS   XV. 
THE    LAST  YEARS   OF   LOUIS   XV. 

The  splendid  pageantry  of  the  court  over  which  Catherine  de'  Medici  presided 
and  in  which  she  intrigued,  and  the  contrasting  glories  and  shames  of  the  long  reigns 
of  the  "  Sun  King  "  and  of  Louis  XV.  are  the  subjects  of  these  four  volumes  which 
depict  the  most  brilliant  days  of  the  Valois  and  Bourbon  dynasties. 

2 


FAMOUS    WOMEN  OF  THE  FRENCH  COURT 

THREE   VOLUMES  ON  MARIE  ANTOINETTE. 

Each  tuiih  Portrait,  $1.25.     Price  per  set,  in  box,  cloth,  $3. 75;  half  calf,  $7.50. 

MARIE   ANTOINETTE   AND    THE    END   OF  THE   OLD    REGIME. 

MARIE   ANTOINETTE   AT   THE  TUILERIES. 

MARIE  ANTOINETTE  AND   THE    DOWNFALL   OF   ROYALTY. 

In  this  series  is  unfolded  the  tremendous  panorama  of  political  events  in  which 
the  unfortunate  Queen  had  so  influential  a  share,  beginning  with  the  days  imme- 
diately preceding  the  Revolution,  when  court  life  at  Versailles  was  so  gay  and  unsus- 
pecting, continuing  with  the  enforced  journey  of  the  royal  family  to  Paris,  and  the 
agitating  months  passed  in  the  Tuileries,  together  with  the  ill-starred  and  unsuccess- 
ful attempt  to  escape  from  French  territory,  and  concluding  with  the  abolition  of 
royalty,  the  proclamation  of  the  Republic,  and  the  imprisonment  of  the  royal  family, 
—  the  initial  stage  of  their  progress  to  the  guillotine. 

THREE   VOLUMES   ON    THE  EMPRESS  JOSEPHINE. 

Each  with  Portrait,  $1.25.     Price  per  set,  in  box,  cloth,  $3.75;  half  calf ,  $7.50. 

CITIZENESS    BONAPARTE. 

THE  WIFE   OF  THE    FIRST   CONSUL. 

THE  COURT  OF  THE   EMPRESS  JOSEPHINE. 

The  romantic  and  eventful  period  beginning  with  Josephine's  marriage  to  the 
young  commander  whose  "  whiff  of  grapeshot  "  had  just  saved  France  from  anarchy, 
and  whose  wonderful  career  was  about  to  begin,  comprises  the  astonishing  Italian 
campaign,  in  which  the  power  of  Austria  was  so  unexpectedly  and  completely  hum- 
bled, the  Egyptian  expedition,  the  conp  d'état  of  Brumaire,  and  is  described  in  the 
first  of  the  above  volumes;  while  the  second  treats  of  the  brilliant  society  which  issued 
from  the  chaos  of  the  Revolution,  and  over  which  Madame  Bonaparte  presided  so 
charmingly;  and  the  third,  of  the  events  between  the  assumption  of  the  imperial  title 
by  Napoleon  and  the  end  of  1807,  including,  of  course,  the  Austerlitz  campaign. 

FOUR    VOLUMES   ON    THE  EMPRESS  MARIE  LOUISE. 

Each  with  Portrait,  $1.25.    Price  per  set,  in  box,  cloth,  $5.00;  half  calf ,  $10.00. 

THE    HAPPY    DAYS   OF   MARIE    LOUISE. 

MARIE    LOUISE   AND   THE   DECADENCE   OF  THE    EMPIRE. 

MARIE    LOUISE   AND   THE    INVASION    OF    1814. 

MARIE  LOUISE,  THE  RETURN   FROM   ELBA,  AND  THE  HUNDRED  DAYS. 

The  auspicious  marriage  of  the  Archduchess  Marie  Louise  to  the  master  of 
Europe;  the  Russian  invasion,  with  its  disastrous  conclusion  a  few  years  later;  the 
Dresden  and  Leipsic  campaign;  the  invasion  of  France  by  the  Allies,  and  the  mar- 
vellous military  strategy  of  Napoleon  in  1814,  ending  only  with  his  defeat  and  exile 
to  Elba;  his  life  in  his  little  principality;  his  romantic  escape  and  dramatic  return  to 
France;  the  preparations  of  the  Hundred  Days;  Waterloo  and  the  definitive  restora- 
tion of  Louis  XVin  ,  closing  the  era  begun  in  1789,  with  "The  End  of  the  Old 
Régime,"  — are  the  subjects  of  the  four  volumes  grouped  around  the  personality  of 
Marie  Louise. 

3 


FAMOUS    WOMEN  OF  THE  FRENCH  COURT 

7\N0   VOLUMES  ON   THE  DUCHESS  OF  ANGOULEME. 

Each  with  Portrait,  $1.25.     Price  per  set,  in  box,  cloth,  $2.50;    half  calf,  $5.00. 

THE  YOUTH  OF  THE  DUCHESS  OF  ANGOULEME. 

THE  DUCHESS  OF  ANGOULEME  AND  THE  TWO  RESTORATIONS. 

The  period  covered  in  this  first  of  these  volumes  begins  with  the  life  of  the 
daughter  of  Louis  XVI.  and  Marie  Antoinette  imprisoned  in  the  Temple  after  the 
execution  of  her  parents,  and  ends  with  the  accession  of  Louis  XVIU.  after  the  abdica- 
tion of  Napoleon  at  Fontainebleau.  The  first  Restoration,  its  illusions,  the  characters 
of  Louis  XVIII.,  of  his  brother,  afterwards  Charles  X.,  of  the  Dukes  of  Angoulême 
and  Berry,  sons  of  the  latter,  the  life  of  the  Court,  the  feeling  of  the  city.  Napoleon's 
sudden  return  from  Elba,  the  Hundred  Days  from  the  Royalist  side,  the  second 
Restoration,  and  the  vengeance  taken  by  the  new  government  on  the  Imperialists, 
form  the  subject-matter  of  the  second  volume. 

THREE  VOLUMES  ON  THE  DUCHESS  OF  BERRY. 

Each  with  Portrait,  $1.25.    Price  per  set,  in  box,  cloth,  $3.75;  half  calf,  $7.50. 

THE  DUCHESS  OF  BERRY  AND  THE  COURT  OF  LOUIS  XVIII. 
THE  DUCHESS  OF  BERRY  AND  THE  COURT  OF  CHARLES  X. 
THE    DUCHESS   OF    BERRY   AND   THE   REVOLUTION   OF   JULY.  1830. 

The  Princess  Marie  Caroline,  of  Naples,  became,  upon  her  marriage  with  the 
Duke  of  Berry,  the  central  figure  of  the  French  Court  during  the  reigns  of  both 
Louis  XVIII.  and  Charles  X.  The  former  of  these  was  rendered  eventful  by  the 
assassination  of  her  husband  and  the  birth  of  her  son,  the  Count  of  Chambord,  and 
the  latter  was  from  the  first  marked  by  those  reactionary  tendencies  which  resulted 
in  the  dethronement  and  exile  of  the  Bourbons.  The  dramatic  Revolution  which 
brought  about  the  July  monarchy  of  Louis  Philippe,  has  never  been  more  vividly 
and  intelligently  described  than  in  the  last  volume  devoted  to  the  Duchess  of  Berry. 

THE  REVOLUTION   OF   1848. 

With  Four  Portraits.     Price  $1.25. 

M.  Imbert  de  Saint-Amand's  volume  on  "  The  Duchess  of  Berry  and  the  Revo- 
lution of  1830,"  which  described  the  turbulent  accession  of  Louis  Philippe  to  the 
throne  of  France,  is  followed  by  the  account  of  the  Citizen  King's  equally  agitated 
abdication  and  exile  during  the  Revolution  of  184S.  As  always,  the  historian  writes 
from  the  inside,  and  his  description  of  the  exciting  events  of  the  February  days  that 
led  to  the  overthrow  of  the  Orleanist  dynasty,  the  flight  of  the  last  king  France  has 
had,  and  the  dramatically  sudden  establishment  of  the  Second  Republic  is  familiar 
and  intimate  rather  than  formal,  and  the  reader  gets  a  view  of  what  passed  behind 
the  scenes  as  well  as  on  the  stage  at  that  interesting  and  fateful  moment. 

4 


UNIVERSITY  r 


LIBRARY 


•d  he- 


3  1158  003 77  4519 


K^ 


UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 


AA    001  041  605    5 


